Poverty and dependence on the state pull Scots in opposite directions
BETTING shops in Rosyth are rowdier than usual. The troublemakers are not the familiar sort—drunks jousting over a Rangers match or the 4.30 at Musselburgh—but punters debating Scottish independence. “We've had to chuck people out,” grumbles one bookie. A gnarled customer agrees: “I don't like people talking about it in my cab,” he growls, eyes not moving from the racing. As the referendum on September 18th draws closer, tensions in this shipbuilding town are growing.
All politics is local, even when an entire country's future is at stake. But in Rosyth, a run-down port in the shadow of the Forth Bridge near Edinburgh, distinctive local factors are pulling people in opposite directions. The importance of the town's biggest industry seems to militate for sticking with Britain. But the generally depressed state of the economy makes independence more appealing (see article). The outcome of this tug-of-war will determine how people vote in Rosyth—and in other parts of Scotland.
Residents are reminded of the case for union every time they leave their homes. Above treetops and through gaps between pebble-dashed houses, glimpses of a vast blue rig marked “Air Carrier Alliance” and “Royal Navy” are visible. Beyond, the grey, 65,000-tonne slab of Britain's newest aircraft-carrier,HMS Queen Elizabeth, sits in the estuary. In a place where 13% of working-age adults are on out-of-work benefits, the shipyard is by far the largest employer—and it relies on money from Westminster.
Those who build and man the ships are therefore firmly unionist. At a ceremony to name the carrier on July 4th, they booed Alex Salmond, Scotland's nationalist first minister and the leader of the pro-independence “yes” campaign. The following week the Rosyth workers' union representatives appeared before MPs in Westminster to warn against secession. Henry Wilson, a convener at BAE Systems, a defence firm, warned that naval shipbuilding in Scotland would be “finished” if Mr Salmond got his way.
那些建造并给船只配备人员的人因此是坚定的联合主义者。在7月4日给某运输公司命名的仪式上，苏格兰民族主义第一部长和支持独立“成功”运动的领导遭到了Alex Salmond他们的嘘声哄笑。接下来的一周，罗赛斯的工人工会代表在议员之前出现在英国议会对反分裂提出警告。一位BAE系统公司（一个防卫公司）的召集人Henry Wilson给出警告，如果Salmond如此遂心所欲，那么在苏格兰的海军船舶建造将“玩完”。
Before the ship sails
In the ex-servicemen's club on Admiralty Road most agree with Mr Wilson. Only one drinker is willing to admit to backing “yes”. “Ey, I've made up my mind,” says Jimmy, grinning defiantly. He struggles to hold his own around here, he adds: “full of “no” voters; gets very heated.” “He won't listen,” sighs Janet, the barmaid, wiping beer glasses. Janet thinks Mr Salmond's promises are baloney: “I don't trust him as far as I could throw him.”
Jimmy is in a minority in the ex-servicemen's club, but he may not be in Rosyth at large. Nationalist sentiment is widespread. More “yes” signs are visible in windows than are “no” ones. Scottish saltires the size of bedsheets billow above allotments and from blocks of flats. Beyond the shipyard there is little sign of the British union flag.
In 2010 an NHS study of central Rosyth put male life expectancy at 73.3 years—five years shorter than the British average. Teenage pregnancy and welfare dependency are unusually common, too. Those hard-up locals not employed in the shipyard could be forgiven for thinking that the union is not working for Scotland—and taking a gamble on independence.
A great many former Labour Party voters fall into this category. The collapse of the party's working-class base in the 2011 Scottish election gave Mr Salmond's Scottish National Party (SNP) the majority it needed to press for a referendum on independence. In Cowdenbeath, the seat containing Rosyth, support for the SNP jumped from 29% to 42%.
This makes Rosyth typical of a sort of Scottish town: post-industrial and deprived but sustained by the British state, which spends about 1,500 ($2,500) more per head in Scotland than it does nationally. Others include Govan and Scotstoun, both shipyards, and Pollokshaws, home to National Savings and Investments, a state-owned bank. In Cumbernauld, outside Glasgow, Britain's largest revenue and customs office employs four times as many people as any other outfit. Gregg McClymont, Labour MP for Cumbernauld, notes that Scotland has 8% of Britain's people but 13% of its tax jobs. How could it sustain them if it became independent?
这使得罗赛斯成为苏格兰城镇当中的一朵奇葩：后工业化和相对贫困但是被英国供养，这在苏格兰人均要比全国还要多出1,500欧元 (约合2,500美元)。其他的像戈万和斯科特斯顿，二者的造船厂和波洛克索斯，国内储蓄和投资，一个国有银行。在格拉斯哥之外的坎伯诺尔德，英国最大的税收和海关雇佣相较于其他任何组织四倍的人手。坎伯诺尔德的工党议员Gregg McClymont指出，苏格兰拥有英国人口的8％但在税收工作中的人数占了13％。苏格兰一旦独立如何维持这些的运转？
In such places, the “yes” campaign faces a particularly acute version of a problem that confronts it across Scotland. The disadvantages of independence are concrete and would be quickly felt—in the case of Rosyth, shipbuilding jobs would sail to Portsmouth, on England's south coast. Any advantages, such as the broad industrial revival promised by Mr Salmond, would take years to materialise, if they ever do. Folk in Rosyth enjoy the odd flutter. But on September 18th the stakes will be much higher than usual.
在这些地区，“成功”的运动面临着一个全苏格兰都存在的非常紧急的问题。独立的弊端是很客观的而且很快将会感觉到——就罗赛斯来说，造船厂的工作将移至英国的南部海岸朴茨茅斯。任何优势，比如Salmond承诺的广泛的工业复兴，如果他们可能行动，将花费数年才能实现。罗赛斯人民享受这些奇怪的震颤。但在9月18日，风险将比平日更高。 译者：张娣 校对：周雨晴
1.at stake 濒于险境，处于成败关头
例句:At stake are more than 20,000 jobs in Britain's aerospace sector.
2.seem to 似乎
例句:He rubbed and rubbed but couldn't seem to get clean.
3.remind of 提醒
例句:The cliffs, lapped by a crystal-clear sea,remind her of Capri.
4.rely on 依靠；依赖
例句:Most poultry farmers have to rely on commercially manufactured feeds.