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During the past generation, the American middle-class family that once could count on hard work and fair play to keep itself financially secure had been transformed by economic risk and new realities.

在过去的十几年里，美国那些曾经可以依靠辛勤劳动和公平条件维持稳定收入的中产阶层家庭的生活被经济风险和新现实改变了。

Now a pink slip, a bad diagnosis, or a disappearing spouse can reduce a family from solidly middle class to newly poor in a few months.

如今，一份解雇通知书、一个不利的诊断结果或者配偶的去世都可能在几个月之内将一个家庭从稳定的中产阶层家庭降格成为一个新贫困家庭。

In just one generation, millions of mothers have gone to work, transforming basic family economics.

在仅仅一代人的时间里，数百万母亲出去工作，改善家庭的基本经济状况。

Scholars, policymakers, and critics of all stripes have debated the social implications of these changes, but few have looked at the side effect: family risk has risen as well.

学者、决策者以及各类批评人士对这些变化的社会意义争论不休，但是，很少有人关注这些变化的副作用：家庭的风险增加了。

Today's families have budgeted to the limits of their new two-paycheck status.

如今的家庭根据其新的双收入限度安排开支。

As a result, they have lost the parachute they once had in times of financial setback - a back-up earner (usually Mom) who could go into the workforce if the primary earner got laid off or fell sick.

因此，它们失去了它们在经济萧条时期曾经有过的缓解举措——一个后备挣钱者（通常是妈妈），如果家庭的主要挣钱者失业了或者病倒了，她可以出去工作。

This “added-worker effect” could support the safety net offered by unemployment insurance or disability insurance to help families weather bad times.

这种“额外工人效应”可以支撑失业保险或残疾保险提供的安全网，以便帮助家庭渡过难关。

But today, a disruption to family fortunes can no longer be made up with extra income from an otherwise-stay-at-home partner.

但现在，家庭财产的损失再也不可能通过呆在家里的其他伴侣的额外收入来弥补了。

During the same period, families have been asked to absorb much more risk in their retirement income.

在同一时期，要求家庭在其退休收入中承担更多风险。

Steelworkers, airline employees, and now those in the auto industry are joining millions of families who must worry about interest rates, stock market fluctuation, and the harsh reality that they may outlive their retirement money.

钢铁厂的工人、航空公司的职员和汽车产业工人加入了数百万不得不担心利率、股市波动以及可能比其退休收入存在时间更长的严酷现实家庭。

For much of the past year, President Bush campaigned to move Social Security to a saving-account model, with retirees trading much or all of their guaranteed payments for payments depending on investment returns.

在去年的大部分时间里，布什总统一直致力于将社会保险体制转变成一种储蓄存款账户模式，要求退休人员将其大多数或所有保障报酬用来交换依靠投资回报所得的报酬。

For younger families, the picture is not any better.

对于更年轻的家庭来说，前景不容乐观。

Both the absolute cost of healthcare and the share of it borne by families have risen - and newly fashionable health-savings plans are spreading from legislative halls to Wal-Mart workers, with much higher deductibles and a large new dose of investment risk for families' future healthcare.

卫生保健和家庭承担份额的绝对成本都上涨了——而且，最近实施的健康储蓄计划正在从立法机关扩展到沃尔玛员工，包含大量更高的减免，并且给家庭未来的卫生保健带来许多新投资风险。

Even demographics are working against the middle class family, as the odds of having a weak elderly parent - and all the attendant need for physical and financial assistance - have jumped eightfold in just one generation.

甚至人口统计状况也对中产阶层家庭不利，因为有一个体弱、年迈的父母——以及由此而产 生的所有物资和经济援助——就在仅仅一代人的时间里增长了8倍。

From the middle-class family perspective, much of this, understandably, looks far less like an opportunity to exercise more financial responsibility, and a good deal more like a frightening acceleration of the wholesale shift of financial risk onto their already overburdened shoulders.

从中产阶层家庭的角度来看，大多数情况是可以理解的，这根本不像一种发挥更多支付能力的机会，而是像一种将经济风险大规模转向那些已经负担过重的家庭的令人恐惧的加速行为。

The financial fallout has begun, and the political fallout may not be far behind.

经济副作用已经开始，政治副作用可能也将开始。