Mr. President, thank you for your gracious introduction. We have an expression in the United States Senate where I served for many years when we want to say something personal, we say, permit me a point of personal privilege. I would like to introduce you to two of my family members who I’ve brought along with me, my daughter-in-law Kathleen Biden and my granddaughter Naomi Biden. Would you guys stand? (Applause.)
校长先生，谢谢你的亲切介绍。我曾多年担任美国参议员，在美国参议院，我们如果想提出个人看法，会采取一种表述方式，我们会说，请允许我提出一个个人特权问题。我想向你们介绍我带来的两位家人，我的儿媳凯瑟琳∙拜登和我的孙女内奥米∙拜登。你们两个人请起立。（掌声）

It would be more appropriate to say Naomi brought me along with her since she’s a budding Chinese speaker, been taking Chinese for five years, so I’ve been listening to her on the whole trip.
如果说内奥米把我带到这里来，也许更恰当，因为她说中文已达到初级水平，她学了五年中文，我一路上都听她的。

I want to again thank you very much. I had a wonderful few days in Beijing and a series of very positive and productive conversations with Chinese leaders. And I’m pleased to make my first visit to western China, which has played such an incredible, such an incredible role in this nation’s proud, proud history, and which today is the vanguard of Chinese -- China’s high-tech future.
我想再次向你们表示十分感谢。我在北京度过了非常愉快的几天，与中国领导人进行了一系列非常积极和建设性的交谈。我非常高兴首次前来中国西部访问。这个地区在贵国可引以为骄傲的历史上发挥了很了不起的作用，今天已成为中国高科技未来的先锋。

Two years ago, Sichuan province suffered one of the greatest natural disasters in China’s recent history. And the American people were inspired -- were inspired by the way you all came together to help one another during that crisis. And I’m absolutely amazed as I drive around the city, and I’ll be moving out into the province later, after this speech -- I’m amazed at how quickly you have rebuilt and you have recovered.
两年前，四川省遭受了中国近代史上最严重的自然灾害之一。你们在危机时刻同心同德、相互帮助的精神鼓舞了美国人民。我坐车经过成都各地时，感到万分惊讶，晚些时候，在我演讲完后，我还要去省里的其他地方参观——你们的重建和恢复如此迅速，实在令我惊叹。

The people of Chengdu, let me say simply that your hospitality has more than lived up to your reputation as the “land of abundance,” so again, thank you so very much for that hospitality.
简而言之，成都人民，你们有“天府之国”的美誉，但你们的殷勤好客更令人感动。我再次对你们的热情好客表示深切的感谢。

It’s also great to be here on a university campus. I also want to thank our host, the university which counts amongst its alumni some of the most illustrious figures in recent Chinese history, including Zhu De and Ba Jin, both of whom are -- one a literary icon; the other, one of the most illustrious figures, and a founding father of the republic.
来到大学校园，我感到很激动。我还要感谢接待我们的校方，在贵校的校友中有一些中国近代史上最杰出的人物，包括朱德和巴金，一位是文学巨匠；另一位是最杰出的人物之一，共和国的一位开国元老。

I’m also pleased to be joined today by -- he’s already been introduced -- but by our ambassador, our new ambassador Gary Locke whose grandfather came to the United States from Canton in the 1890s and toiled as a house servant in the United States in exchange for being able to get English language lessons. In less than two generations -- two generations later, Gary Locke, his grandson, has served as the governor of his home state of Washington, the U.S. Secretary of Commerce and the chief of mission in one our most important diplomatic posts in the world.
今天，我也非常高兴有——他已被介绍过了——我们的大使，我们的新任大使骆家辉在场。他的祖父在19世纪90年代从广东来到美国，通过帮佣换取上英文课的机会。在不到两代人的时间里——经过两代人，他的孙子骆家辉曾担任他所在的华盛顿州的州长、美国商务部长，现在又来到我国在全世界最重要的外交岗位之一担任使团负责人。

I share this story with you not because it’s unique, but because it is uniquely American. While not every child or grandchild of an immigrant will reach the pinnacle of society as Ambassador Locke has, America continues to put such possibilities within reach of all those who seek our shores.
我与你们分享他的经历，并不是有什么其他原因，而是因为这是美国的独特之处。虽然并非外来移民的每一个子女或后代都能像骆家辉那样到达社会的顶层，但美国始终促使所有寻求移民美国的人都有可能做到这一点。

On my first visit to China, which was more than 30 years ago when I was a young United States senator in 1979, I was with the first delegation of congressional leaders to visit China after normalization. We had several days of business with then Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping. It was a very different country then, but what was absolutely clear to me was that China was on the cusp of a remarkable transformation.
在30多年前的1979年，我还是一个年轻的美国参议员，当时曾随美中关系正常化后的第一个国会领导人访华代表团首次前来中国访问。我们同当时的副总理邓小平开展了几天的公务活动。当时的中国与今天大不相同，但对我来说已经绝对明确的是，中国正处于天翻地覆的大变革的最前沿。

Changes were just getting underway. My first introduction here in Sichuan that would begin transforming a largely agrarian society into an engine of economic global and help lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty was -- seemed to me clear at the time. That first visit came amid a debate in the United States of America similar to the one that exists today about how to view China’s emergence. Let me be clear -- let me be clear: I believed in 1979 and said so and I believe now that a rising China is a positive development, not only for the people of China but for the United States and the world as a whole.
当时，变革刚刚开始。根据我最初了解到的四川的情况，当时将开始一个把基本上以农业为主的社会改造成世界经济的一个引擎，并使亿万人民摆脱贫困的进程——当时，我已清楚地看到这一点。我第一次访华时，美国正在开展一场类似今天正在进行的有关如何看待中国崛起的辩论。让我明确表示——让我明确说明这一点：我在1979年相信并这么说过，我现在仍然相信，中国的崛起是一种积极的发展，不仅对中国人民是如此，美国和整个世界也是如此。

A rising China will fuel economic growth and prosperity and it will bring to the fore a new partner with whom we can meet global challenges together. When President Obama and I took office in January of 2009, we made our relationship with China a top priority. We were determined to set it on a stable and sustainable course that would benefit the citizens of both our countries. Our Presidents have met nine times since then, including very successful state visits in Beijing and Washington, and have spoken numerous times by telephone.
中国的崛起将促进经济增长和繁荣，带来一个可共同应对全球挑战的新伙伴。2009年1月, 奥巴马总统和我就职时，我们将与中国的关系当作一项优先要务。我们决心使美中关系沿着稳定、可持续的轨道前进，造福于我们两国人民。自那时以来，我们两国的元首已举行过九次会晤，包括分别对北京和华盛顿非常成功的国事访问和多次通话。

Direct discussions between senior policymakers and the personal ties that result from such discussions in my view over the last 35 years of conducting foreign policy are the keys to building cooperation. They're built on understanding. They allow us to better understand each other and allow us to define our interests in ways that are clear so that each one of us know what the other country’s interests are, and to see the world through the eyes of the other with the intention of preventing miscommunications and misconceptions that tend to fuel mistrust.
凭我过去35年搞外交政策的经验，我认为高层决策者之间的讨论以及由此发展的个人关系是建立合作的关键。它们是建立在理解基础上。它们让我们更好地了解对方，让我们能够明确我们的利益，使我们每个人都知道对方国家的利益是什么，并且能够站在对方的角度看世界，避免往往会导致不信任的沟通失误和误解。

With that goal in mind, we have worked very hard to develop our cooperative partnership through more than 60 separate dialogues on issues of matter to both China and to the United States; and I would suggest to the world as a whole.
抱着这个目标，我们一直非常努力地发展我们的合作伙伴关系，展开了60多项专题对话，讨论事关中国和美国的问题，我可以说也事关整个世界。

The premier forum is what we refer to as the Strategic and Economic Dialogue which brings together policymakers from across both governments to discuss a range of issues from trade barriers to climate change. But we also recognize -- we also recognized immediately on starting that the importance more directly addressing security issues, as well. That's why in May we jointly launched the first Strategic Security Dialogue, a new channel for civilian and military leaders to discuss sensitive topics, including cyber and maritime security. That's why it’s also important that our military leaders work together, get to know one another -- not just our political leaders, but our military leaders -- as Admiral Mullen and General Chen have begun to do in their recent exchange of meetings.
我们所说的战略与经济对话是一个主要论坛，它汇集了来自两国政府各部门的决策者，讨论从贸易壁垒到气候变化的一系列问题。但我们也认识到——我们一开始也立即认识到更直接解决安全问题的重要性。这就是为什么在5月我们共同启动了第一个战略安全对话，一个为文职和军方领导人讨论敏感议题的新渠道，包括网络和海上安全。这就是为什么我们的军方领导人也必须一道努力，互相了解——不仅是我们的政治领导人，还有我们的军方领导人——马伦海军上将和陈炳德将军在最近的交流会上已开始这样做。

The fact is China and the United States face many of the same threats and share many of the same objectives and responsibilities. But because we sometimes view threats from different perspectives -- that is China and the United States view them from different perspectives, our -- or favor a different way in dealing with what we perceive to be joint threats, our generals should be talking to each other alongside with our diplomats, as frequently as our diplomats do. Like China, the United States has a huge stake in the prosperity and stability of Asia and the Pacific.
事实是，中国和美国面临许多同样的威胁，并具有许多相同的目标和责任。但是，因为我们有时从不同角度看待威胁——即中国和美国从不同的角度看这些威胁——或者我们喜欢用一种不同的方法处理我们所认为的共同威胁，我们的将军应该互相通话，和我们的外交官一道，并且像我们的外交官那样经常进行。和中国一样，美国在亚洲和太平洋地区的繁荣和稳定上都有重大利益。

I look forward to visiting two other Asian nations on this trip. When I leave China, I’ll go to Mongolia and then to Japan. The United States -- and I realize this occasionally causes some discomfiture -- but the United States is a Pacific power, and we will remain a specific power -- a Pacific power.
我期待着在此行中访问另外两个亚洲国家。我离开中国后将去蒙古，然后到日本。美国——我知道这偶尔会导致一些困惑——但美国是一个太平洋大国，我们将继续是一个特定的大国——太平洋大国。

Over the last 60 years, no country has done more than we have to ensure the stability and security of the Asian-Pacific region. And I’d respectfully suggest that has been good for China, allowing China to focus on domestic development and to benefit from a growing market.
在过去60年里，在保证亚太地区的稳定和安全上，没有任何国家比我们做得更多。我谨要指出，这给中国带来了好处，使中国能够把重点放在国内发展，受益于不断扩大的市场。

America’s focus on this critical region will only grow in the years to come as Asia plays an even greater role in the global economy and international affairs.
美国对这一关键地区的重视在未来的岁月里只会增长，因为亚洲在全球经济和国际事务中发挥越来越大的作用。

As President Obama said in Tokyo during his first visit to Asia as President, and I quote: “The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations, we have also been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean, we are bound by it.”
正如奥巴马总统作为总统第一次访问亚洲时在东京所说，我援引他的话：“美利坚合众国虽然发源于大西洋沿岸的一系列港口和城市，但我们世世代代始终是一个太平洋国家。亚洲和美国并没有被太平洋阻断，而是被太平洋联系在一起。”

That's why we’ve begun this dialogue, this Asia-Pacific Dialogue on issues -- to expand cooperation in the region where we both live and operate.
这就是为什么我们开始了这场对话，即关于诸多问题的亚太对话——扩大在我们双方生活和运作的这个地区的合作。

Let me give you another example of our security cooperation. The United States and China are also working as international -- with international partners to counter the threat posed by the spread of nuclear weapons, materials and technology, so called nonproliferation. Along with 46 other world leaders, President Hu honored us by joining President Obama and me at the Nuclear Security Summit in April of last year, and our nations are now collaborating on a center for excellence to provide nuclear security in China.
让我再举一个我们安全合作的例子。美国和中国也进行国际的——与国际合作伙伴一道，对抗核武器、核材料和技术扩散所造成的威胁，即所谓的防扩散。与46个其他世界领导人一道，我们荣幸地请到胡锦涛主席与奥巴马总统和我一起出席了去年4月举行的核安全峰会，我们两国正在就一个示范中心进行合作，为中国提供核安全。

In my discussions with Vice President Xi this week, I said we have to deepen our conversations on the world’s two primary nuclear proliferating challenges: North Korea and Iran. I know that China shares our concerns, but some of you may wonder why our focus -- the focus of the United States is so intense. The reason is clear: If armed with nuclear weapons on long-range missiles, North Korea and Iran would pose a direct and serious threat to the security of the United States of America and our allies. It would present an existential threat. That is why -- that is why we’ve been working with China and our international partners to maintain peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and to achieve a complete denuclearization of North Korea. And it is why as the Iranian government continues its illicit nuclear program, we have worked with a range of partners and international institutions to enact the toughest sanctions that Iran has ever faced.
在本周与习近平副主席的讨论中，我表示，我们必须加深对世界上两个主要的核扩散挑战的对话：北韩和伊朗。我知道，中国和我们一样担心，但你们有些人可能会问为什么我们的重视——美国的重视是如此强烈。原因很清楚：如果有了配备核武器的远程导弹，北韩和伊朗将对美国和我们盟友的安全构成直接和严重的威胁。这将是对存在的威胁。这就是为什么——这就是为什么我们一直与中国和我们的国际伙伴合作，维持朝鲜半岛的和平与稳定，实现北韩的完全无核化。这也是为什么随着伊朗政府继续其非法的核计划，我们与诸多合作伙伴和国际机构合作，对伊朗实施它所面临的最严厉的制裁。

Without vigilant implementation of these sanctions, Iran will evade the consequences of the actions and diplomacy will not be effective in stopping their nuclear program. So we will continue to look to China to send a clear message to Iranian leaders through its words and its deeds that they, Iran, must live up to their international obligations.
如果不以高度的警觉采取这些制裁，伊朗将会逃避其行动的后果，外交也无法有效地阻止其实施核计划。因此，我们将继续期待中国通过言词和行动向伊朗领导人发出明确的信号，敦促伊朗必须履行其国际义务。

There are many other security challenges that the United States and China share. From Afghanistan, to Pakistan, to the Sudan -- and we have been and will continue to discuss our mutual interests and concerns. Continuing to develop our security dialogue and cooperation is the surest way to meet these joint challenges.
美中两国还面临着许多其他共同的安全挑战。从阿富汗、巴基斯坦到苏丹--我们已经并将继续讨论我们的共同利益和共同关心的问题。继续推进我们的安全对话与合作是迎接这些挑战的最可靠的途径。

Economic issues -- to state the obvious -- have been a particular focus of our nations’ growing cooperation. Together, we’re working to promote economic growth that is strong, sustainable and balanced, and trade that is free and fair.
经济问题无疑是我们两国日益加强合作特别强调的重点。我们正携手努力促进强劲、可持续且平衡的经济增长并推行自由和公平的贸易。

Trade and investment between our countries are growing rapidly in both countries, in both directions, creating jobs and economic opportunities in both countries.
我们两国的贸易和投资正在两国间双向迅速发展，为两国创造就业机会和经济机会。

We often hear about Chinese exports to the United States, but last year American companies in America exported $110 billion worth of goods and services to China, supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs in America. The American people and the Chinese people are hopefully -- are becoming aware that it’s in our mutual interest in each of our countries to promote that exchange.
我们常听说中国向美国出口产品，但去年美国国内公司向中国出口了价值1,100亿美元的商品和服务，维持了美国成千上万的工作岗位。希望美国人民和中国人民日益认识到，促进这一交流符合我们两国的共同利益。

A more prosperous China will mean more demand for American-made goods and services and more jobs back home in the United States of America. So our desire for your prosperity is not borne out of some nobility. It is in our self-interest that China continue to prosper.
一个更繁荣的中国将意味着对美国制造的商品和服务的需求增加，意味着美国国内就业机会增多。因此，我们希望你们繁荣，这不是因为出于某种崇高的目的；中国继续繁荣，符合我们自身的利益。

Every day it becomes clear that as the world’s two largest economies with ever growing ties of investment and commerce, what you do matters to us and matters to the American people. And what we do matters to you and to the people of China. To state it bluntly, we have a stake in one another’s success.
每一天都显而易见的是，作为世界两个最大经济体，随着投资和商务日益密切，你们所做的关系到我们，关系到美国人民。我们所做的关系到你们，关系到中国人民。简言之，我们任何一方的成功，对彼此利益攸关。

Just as putting America’s fiscal policy on a long-term sustainable path is important not only to the United States but to China, to China’s economy, shifting China economy, which the 12th five-year plan calls for, to rely more heavily on consumer demand in China is not only important to China, but it’s important to the United States of America.
美国的财政政策保持在长期可持续的轨道上，不仅对美国，而且对中国、中国经济具有重要意义；同样，中国经济按第12个五年计划的要求，向更多地依赖国内消费需求转型，不仅对中国，而且对美国具有重要意义。

As Chinese leaders have told me, this five-year plan will require them to take a number of steps including continuing their effort to move toward a more flexible exchange rate. It’s in China’s interest, but it’s also overwhelmingly in the interest of the United States.
中国领导人曾对我所说，这个五年计划将要求他们采取一些措施，其中包括继续努力实现更灵活的汇率。这符合中国的利益，同时也完全符合美国的利益。

In this time of uncertainty in global -- in the global economy, it is all the more important that we take the difficult but necessary steps together and along with our G20 partners continue to sustain the global recovery and create jobs and prosperity. We’re the two biggest engines in the world to be able to do that. As I said in May, when I opened the annual Strategic and Economic Dialogue in Washington, I said, “For many of the world’s most pressing challenges, it is a simple fact that when the United States and China are not at the table, the solution to the problem is less possible.”
在目前全球经济动荡的时期，我们更应该共同采取艰难但必要的措施，并与我们的20国集团伙伴一道，继续维持全球复苏，创造就业机会和繁荣。我们作为全世界两个最大的发动机，能够做到这一点。今年5月，我在华盛顿每年一度的战略与经济对话开幕式上表示，“就全世界大部分的紧迫挑战而言，如果没有美中两国参与，解决问题的可能性就比较低，这已是不言而喻的事实。”

But even as we cooperate, the United States and China also will compete, and competition is healthy. We will compete in global politics and global economics. And also -- also it is a feature of global politics and economics. It’s also a feature of human nature to observe others, to consider how they measure up, to strive to be the best, that's good for both of us. Genuine competition pushes companies, our companies and our people to perform better, and we should reject the misplaced notion of the zero-sum game in which everything one nation achieves somehow comes at the expense of the other. It is the opposite.
然而，即便是在我们合作之际，美中两国仍还将相互竞争，竞争是有益的。我们将在全球政治和全球经济领域进行竞争。这也是全球政治与经济的一大特点。这也是人类的本性，通过互相观察了解如何适应形势，争取最好的成绩，这对我们双方都很有益。真正的竞争促使公司，我们的公司和我们的人民更趋完善。我们应该放弃零和游戏的错误理念，不能认为一国取得的一切成就意味着另一国的损失。事实并非如此。

So make no mistake, America not only welcomes this healthy competition; competition is stitched into the very fabric of our society and our economic system. And while I may be a little biased, I have overwhelming confidence in the capability of the American people to compete on a level playing field with any nation and any peoples in the world.
因此，毫无疑问，美国不但欢迎这种良性竞争，而且竞争是我们的社会和我们的经济体制根本结构的组成部分。尽管我可能有点偏向，但我对美国人民在一个公平竞争环境中与世界上任何国家和任何民族竞争的能力抱有绝对的信心。

But for this competition to benefit us both, it must take place on a level playing field with rules that are clear and treat all countries fairly and equally. Although the United States and China are working hard to get this right, we still face obstacles of doing business in each other’s countries. That's why I acknowledged on this trip the United States should undertake to make it easier for Chinese business people to obtain visas to travel to the United States. It takes much too long for that to happen. That’s not in our interest.
但要使这种竞争给我们双方都带来利益，竞争就必须是在一个公平竞争的环境中进行，要有明确的、对所有国家都公平与一视同仁的规则。虽然美国和中国正在努力争取达到这点，但我们仍然面临着在对方国家里从事商务的障碍。正因为如此，我在这次行程中承认美国应采取措施，使中国商务人员能够更方便地获得赴美国旅行签证。签证花费时间太长。这不符合我们的利益。

And while we are in the midst -- also it’s the reason why the President once he took office ordered for the first time in decades, ordered -- we’re in the midst of a total reform of our export control system. Already, we have made thousands of new items available for export to China for exclusive civilian use that were not available before, some of which require a license, while others don't. And tens of thousands of more items will become available very soon.
虽然我们还在进行——这也是为什么奥巴马总统刚一就职便下令，几十年来第一次下令——我们正在进行我国出口管制制度的总体改革。我们已经向中国开放了旨在完全用于民用目的的数千种过去不允许出口的新产品，其中有些需获得许可证，有些则不需要。还有成千上万种更多的产品很快将获得出口许可。

That's a significant change in our export policy and a rejection of those voices in America that say we should not export that kind of technology to -- for civilian use in China. We disagree, and we’re changing.
这是我们出口政策的一项重大变化，是对美国某些人的意见的否定。他们认为，我们不应该出口那一类技术——供中国民用。我们不同意这种看法，我们正在改革。

But it’s also why we are troubled when American investors are prohibited from having wholly owned, fully owned subsidiaries of their own company in many sectors in China and excluded from sectors, entirely excluded from competing in other sectors; restrictions that no other major economy in the world imposes on us or anyone else so broadly. That's why we have pushed Chinese officials to protect intellectual property rights. We have welcomed the Chinese State Council’s recent campaign to enforce intellectual property rights, a commitment that President Hu made when he visited and he’s keeping. But the effort must be strengthened and extended.
但也正因为如此，一些情况令我们不安：美国的投资者在中国的许多行业中被禁止拥有自己的独资公司和独资分公司；在另一些行业，在其他行业完全被排斥在竞争之外；还有一些世界其他主要经济体不曾强加于我们或其他任何人的、范围如此之广的种种限制。正因为如此，我们积极要求中国官员保护知识产权。我们欢迎中国国务院最近的保护知识产权运动，这是胡锦涛主席访问美国时作出的一项承诺，他在履行这一承诺。但这项努力必须得到加强和延伸。

According to the International Trade Commission, American companies lose $48 billion a year and tens of thousands of jobs because of pirated goods and services. These protections -- intellectual property protections not only benefit the United States and United States workers, United States companies, but I would argue Chinese companies, as well, as they increasingly seek to safeguard their own creations.
根据国际贸易委员会的统计，美国企业因盗版商品和服务每年损失480亿美元和数万个工作岗位。这些保护——知识产权的保护不仅有利于美国和美国工人、美国公司，而且我认为也有利于中国的公司企业，因为他们会越来越力争保护自己的创新成果。

You’re here at this great university. It’s very much in your interest that intellectual property be protected because some of you are the future artists, the future entertainers, the future innovators who will want to be able to have a market for what you do. But if it can be acquired cheaply and pirated, why would anybody pay you for the same service?
你们在这所优异的大学求学。保护知识产权十分符合你们的利益，因为你们中的一些人将成为未来的艺术家、未来的娱乐界人员、未来的发明家，将希望自己的劳动成果有市场。但如果那一切可以廉价地获取和剽窃，凭什么还会有人向你们购买同样的服务呢？

America’s focus on global security, free trade and economic fairness is longstanding. Since the end of World War II, we’ve helped build an international system that promotes peace and stability, gives all states the opportunity to share in global prosperity and provides rules to protect the basic human rights of all citizens.
美国对全球安全，自由贸易和经济上公平的关注是长期的。自第二次世界大战结束以来，我们帮助建立了一个国际体系，它促进和平与稳定，使所有国家有机会分享全球繁荣，并制定保护所有公民基本人权的规则。

China’s tremendous progress in my view can be attributed to the industriousness and talent of the Chinese people, as well as its leadership. But it was made possible, I respectfully suggest, by an international architecture that promoted stability and prosperity and enables upward mobility for all countries. I know that many Chinese and probably many of you students believe that your nation will continue on a path of greater prosperity. I agree that it will. That is my view, my prediction. But I also know that some of you are skeptical about America’s future prospects.
在我看来，中国的巨大进步可归功于中国人民的勤劳与智慧及其领导人的能力。但我谨要指出，一个促进稳定与繁荣、使所有国家能够发展提高的国际架构使这个成就成为可能。我知道，许多中国人、你们学生中可能有许多人相信，你们的国家将继续走向更加繁荣。我同样认为是这样。这是我的看法、我的预测。但我同时知道，你们当中有些人对美国未来的前景持怀疑态度。

With that in view, I would like to suggest that I respectfully disagree with that view and will allay your concerns. Let me put this in perspective so you can understand why the American people are also confident about their future. America today is by far the world’s largest economy with a GDP of almost $15 trillion, about two and a half times as large as China’s, the second largest; with a per-capita GDP which is more than $47,000 -- 11 times that of China’s. I’ve read that some Chinese are concerned about the safety of your investments in American assets. Please understand, no one cares more about this than we do since Americans own 87 percent of all our financial assets and 69 percent of all our treasury bonds, while China owns 1 percent of our financial assets and 8 percent of our treasury bills respectively.
因此，我希望指出，我尊重但不同意这种见解，让我解释一下为什么你们不必忧虑。我将提供一些背景信息，以便你们了解为什么美国人民也对自己的未来抱有信心。今天，美国是世界上最大的经济体，远远超过任何其他国家，国内生产总值（GDP）近15万亿美元，大约相当于排在第二位的中国的两倍半；人均国内生产总值4.7万多美元，是中国的11倍。我了解到有些中国人担心投资美国资产的安全。请理解，没有谁比我们更关心这种状况，因为美国人持有我们全部金融资产的87%以及我们全部国债的69%，而中国持有我们的金融资产和国债比例分别为1%和8%。

So our interest is not just to protect Chinese investment. We have an overarching interest in protecting the investment, while the United States has never defaulted -- and never will default.
所以我们的利益不仅在于保护中国的投资，保护投资还关系到我们的总体利益。另外，美国从来没有违约——将来也永远不会违约。

I also have confidence in the fundamentals of our economy. Vice President Xi said it best I think when he told a group of Chinese and American business leaders with whom we met the day before yesterday, and I quote him, he said, “the U.S. economy is highly resilient and has a strong capacity to repair itself.” He is right. I believe America is even better equipped to compete in the economy of the future than it was of the economy of the past. In the 20th century, the wealth of nation was primarily measured by the abundance of its natural resources, the expanse of its landmass, the size of its population and the potency of its army. But I believe in the 21st century, the true wealth of a nation will be found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate -- to develop the technologies that will not only spawn new products, but create and awaken entire new industries. The United States is hardwired for innovation. It’s part of our DNA from our earliest days. It has enabled generation after generation of Americans to give life to world-changing ideas -- from the cotton gin, to the airplane, to the microchip, to the Internet, to the world-leading companies like General Electric, Ford, Microsoft and Google. And I could go on and on.
我对我国经济的基本面也有信心。在这一点上，我认为习副主席讲得非常好。前天我们会见中美商界领袖时，他说：“美国经济极富韧性，且有很强的自我修复能力。”他说得对。我相信，在未来的经济竞争中，我们的准备甚至胜过以往。在20世纪，衡量国家财富的主要尺度是自然资源的丰裕程度、国土幅员、人口规模和军事力量。但我认为在21世纪，一个国家的真正财富在于国民的创造性思维和创新能力——开发的技术不仅催生新产品，而且能够创造和唤起全新的产业。美国的创新能力与生俱来。从一开始，它就是我们遗传基因的一部分。它使一代又一代美国人构想出改变世界的创意——从轧棉机到飞机，从微芯片到互联网，再如通用电气、福特、微软和谷歌等世界领先的公司。这样的例子不胜枚举。

These accomplishments were made possible not because there’s anything unique about an American. It’s hard to define what an American is. Shortly, 50 percent of the American population -- less than 50 percent will be of European stock. So we are the most -- we are an incredibly heterogeneous nation. That's part of our strength. That's part of the boundless capacity of the American people. But it’s also because of the enduring strength of our political and economic system and the way we educate our children, a system that welcomes immigrants from across the globe who enrich our national fabric and revitalize our diverse multi-ethnic society. And I would point out, we are still the destination where most people in the world seek to come. People usually don't seek to come to a nation in decline.
我们之所以能够取得这些成就，不是因为美国人具有种独一无二的特质。很难界定美国人是什么样的人。简言之，50%的美国人口——不足50%的人口是欧洲人后裔。所以我们的国民具有难以置信的多样性。这是我们实力的一部分，也是美国人民无穷创造力的一部分。不过也有其他原因——我们的政治经济体制和我们教育孩子的方式具有经久不衰的力量。这种体制欢迎来自全球各地的移民，让我们的国家更加丰富多彩，为我们多元的跨种族社会增添活力。我还想指出，我们现在仍是世界第一的移民目的地。人们通常不会寻求迁移到衰落中的国家。

A system that trains students not merely to learn and accept established orthodoxy, but to challenge orthodoxy, challenge their professors, challenge the ideas put forward to them, encourage individual thought and innovation; a system that not only tolerates free expression and vigorous debate, including between citizens and their government, but celebrates and promotes those exchanges; a system in which the rule of law protects private property, provides a predictable investment climate, and ensures accountability for the poor and wealthy alike; and a system with universities that remain -- notwithstanding, and this is a great university -- the ultimate destination for scholars from around the world. More than 130 thousand students from China attended our universities last year. We’re hoping that number will be even larger.
这种体制训练学生不仅学习和接受传统知识，而且挑战传统知识，挑战他们的教授，挑战他们听到的观点，鼓励个人思考和创新；这种体制不仅容许自由表达和积极辩论，包括公民和政府之间的辩论，而且赞赏和促进这种交流；这种体制的法律保护私有财产，提供可预期的投资环境，确保穷人和富人都承担责任；这种体制的大学依然是世界各地学者的最终目的地——当然，你们的学校也是一所了不起的大学。去年有13万多名中国学生就读我们的大学。我们希望这个数字进一步增加。

China has followed a very different economic and political path to prosperity, enhancing some aspects of a free-market system, while resisting political openness and maintaining the state’s deep involvement in economic affairs. That's a decision for you to make.
中国选择了非常不同的经济和政治道路迈向繁荣，增强了自由市场体系的某些方面，同时抵制政治上的开放，保持国家对经济事务的深度干预。这是你们做出的决定。

Maybe the biggest difference in our respective approaches are our approaches to what we refer to as human rights. I recognize that many of you in this auditorium see our advocacy of human rights as at best an intrusion, and at worst an assault on your sovereignty. I want to tell you directly that this is not our intention. Yes, for Americans there is a significant moral component to our advocacy. And we observed where we have failed, as well. But it is who our people are.
我们双方选择的路径的最大差异大概是我们对于什么是人权的认识。我认识到，在今天在坐的许多人看来，我们倡导人权的行动往好处说是多管闲事，往坏处说是侵犯你们的主权。我想直率地对大家说，这不是我们的意图。是的，对于美国人来说，我们的民主有明显的道义成分。我们也关注我们自己没有做好的地方。这种关注反映了美国人民的本质。

But President Obama and I see protecting human rights and freedoms, we see it in a larger context, as well. Protecting freedoms such as those enshrined in China’s international commitments and in China’s own constitution -- we see them as a key aspect of China’s successful emergence and the key continued growth and prosperity. I know that some in China believe that greater freedom could threaten economic progress by undermining social stability. I do not pretend to have the answer, but I believe history has shown the opposite to be true, that in the long run, greater openness is a source of stability and a sign of strength, that prosperity peaks when governments foster both free enterprise and free exchange of ideas, that liberty unlocks a people’s full potential. And in its absence, unrest festers.
然而，奥巴马总统和我也从更广阔的视角来看待保护人权和自由。保护中国在国际承诺和自己的宪法中阐明的那些自由——我们将之视为中国成功崛起的一个关键方面，也是中国持续增长和繁荣的一个关键方面。我知道，在中国有人认为扩大自由会破坏社会稳定，从而威胁经济发展。我不想假装知道答案，但我相信历史证明情况是相反的——从长远来看，更加开放是稳定的来源和实力的象征，最有利繁荣的情况是政府既鼓励自由创业又鼓励自由交流观点，自由使人民能够充分发挥潜能。缺乏自由则会产生社会动荡。

Openness, free exchange of ideas, free enterprise and liberty are among the reasons why the United States, in my view, is at this moment the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. It’s why our workers are among the most productive, why our inventors and entrepreneurs hold more patents than any other country in the world, why we are reinvesting in the fundamental sources of our strength -- education, infrastructure, innovation, and why President Obama and I are so confident that America will weather the current economic storm and emerge even stronger, just as we always have in past economic crises, and why there’s no reason why China cannot tap into the same source of strength.
开放、思想的自由交流、自由企业以及各方面的自由等等，在我看来都是美国现在成为世界历史上最富有国家的原因。正因为如此，我国工人位于生产率最高的行列；正因为如此，我国发明家和创业者拥有的专利比世界上任何其他国家都多；正因为如此，我们正在对我们国力的根本源泉--教育、基础设施和创新进行再投资；正因为如此，奥巴马总统和我如此坚定地相信，美国将与以往经济危机时期一样，一如既往经受当前经济风暴的考验而变得更为强大；正因为如此，没有任何理由中国不能挖掘同样的力量源泉。

Going forward together is going to have a lot of growing pains. As I said at the outset, in just over 30 years since I first came to China, your progress has been nothing short of incredible. I can see that here in Chengdu, the city that is leading the effort to become a major player in the innovation economy, you can feel it. You can see it in the eyes of some of you students.
在共同向前进的道路上定会经历很多成长的烦恼。我在一开始就说过，仅在我首次访华以来的30多年时间里，你们就已取得了令人难以置信的进步。我在成都就可以看到这一点，这个城市为成为创新经济的主要角色走在最前列。人们可以感觉到这一点。从你们一些学生的眼神中可以看到这一点。

Looking at this audience, there are some among you who will be the new pioneers in China’s economic development, leaving your mark on history. Just like Steve Jobs, the founder of Apple and others have had in the United States, you have the capacity and the potential and I’m sure some of you will do it.
看一看在场的听众，你们中有一些人将成为中国经济发展过程中新的开拓者，在历史上留下你们的印记。就像美国苹果公司创始人史蒂夫∙乔布斯等人那样，你们也有这样的能力和潜力，我相信你们中间的一些人会有这样的成就。

I’m also proud that more than 160 Fortune 500 companies are operating in Chengdu High-tech Zone, including pioneer American businesses like Intel, Dell and Oracle. The U.S.-China relationship has also improved dramatically in the past 30 years. In order to cement this robust partnership, we have to go beyond close ties between Washington and Beijing, which we’re working on every day, go beyond it to include all levels of government, go beyond it to include classrooms and laboratories, athletic fields and boardrooms.
我还感到骄傲的是，有160多家《财富》世界500强公司在成都的高新技术产业开发区开展经营活动，包括因特尔、戴尔和甲骨文等开拓性的美国企业。美中关系在过去30年中取得了极大的改善。为了巩固这一坚实的伙伴关系，我们必须超越我们每天都在为之努力的华盛顿和北京之间的紧密关系，将各级政府以及教室和实验室、体育场和会议室都包括进来。

That's why we launched our 100,000 Strong Initiative to boost the number of American students studying in China each year and have maintained a robust Peace Corps presence. How many Peace Corps volunteers are here today? Raise your hands. We love you guys. Welcome. Welcome. (Applause.)
正是因为如此，我们发起了“十万人留学中国计划”，增加每年留学中国的美国学生人数，并保持了相当多的和平队人数。今天在这里有多少和平队志愿者？请你们举手。我们爱你们。欢迎。欢迎。（掌声）

Last year, over 800,000 Chinese and 2 million Americans traveled between our countries to live, work, study and explore new places. On a personal note, I've seen the value of these exchanges through the experiences of my niece, a young woman who learned Mandarin at Harvard and spent a year in Beijing refining her language skills and ultimately worked at our Treasury Department on U.S.-China relations. There are tens of thousands of you like her, who are going to be the key to cement this relationship and deal with misconception and form the relevant societies about the motivations and operations of each of our countries.
去年，80多万中国人和200万美国人去对方国家生活、工作、学习和探索新的地方。就我个人来说，我通过我年轻的外甥女的经历看到了这种交流的价值。她在哈佛大学学习普通话，后又在北京学习了一年，提高她的中文语言技能，最后到我国财政部从事美中关系方面的工作。你们中有成千上万的人会像她那样，为巩固两国关系，消除误解，建立关于我们两国的意图和运行的学社发挥重要作用。

These ties among our people are the life blood of our emerging partnership. The bottom line is this: As great nations and as global actors, the United States and China face many of the same challenges and share many of the same responsibilities. And the more we can work together, the more our people will benefit and -- as I said before it sounds chauvinistic, but the more the world will benefit as a consequence of our cooperation.
我们人民之间的纽带是我们新兴伙伴关系的生命力。归根结底，作为大国和全球要角，美国和中国面临了许多相同的挑战，也分担了许多同样的责任。我们越是互相合作，我们的人民就越能从中受益──我之前说过，这似乎有些沙文主义，但是全世界也能因我们的合作获得更多的利益。

President Obama and I will continue the important work of making this partnership even more positive, cooperative and comprehensive in the coming years. And I hope -- I hope that my visit can serve as a step toward these goals and toward strengthening that bond.
奥巴马总统和我将继续从事这项重要事业，今后使这个伙伴关系更积极、更合作和更全面。我希望我的访问能朝着这些目标并为加强相互联系迈进一步。

So I thank you all for the honor of being here. More importantly, I thank you for taking the time to listen.
我今天很荣幸来到此地，感谢你们大家。更重要的，我谢谢你们花时间聆听。

And with the permission of your president -- they tell me I don't have any time, but I never like to leave a university without at least taking a few questions. So I hope it’s permissible for me to able to take a few questions from the audience. Is that permissible, Mr. President. Is that okay? All, right. Thank you.
在得到贵校校长许可的情况下──他们告诉我已经没有时间了，可是我从来不想在没有至少回答几个问题之前离开一所大学。所以我希望能够让我回答听众的几个问题。你允许吗，校长先生？是否可以？ 好的。谢谢你。

As you can see as Vice President, I’m used to always checking with presidents first. (Laughter.) I’d be happy to take a couple questions. My staff is going to get angry if I take too much time. But, please, there’s microphones in both aisles, I guess. And I -- I can’t see with the light. Gentleman all the way in the back waving both hands. It must be important.
你们可以看到，作为副总统，我总是习惯先向总统（校长）请示。（笑声。）我很高兴回答几个问题。如果我花太多时间，我的工作人员会生气的。现在请提问，我想两边走道应该都有麦克风。我──我这里太亮，看不清楚。

Q: Good morning, Mr. President [sic]. And I’m a -- student from the medical school of Sichuan University. But my question is about economy first. And as you know that the China holds about $1 trillion U.S. bonds of treasury bonds. And that much money -- actually the value is uncertain because of the downgrade of U.S. credit rating. You seem to have instilled the confidence of the U.S. financial well-being into young people today because I heard you say that the U.S. economy is really resilient. And -- but words alone cannot ease the mounting concern over the safety of China’s assets. So we would like to hear more about what measures you’re going to implement to reduce those deficits and redeem the financial strength of America.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: It’s a very good question. One of the multiple rating agencies reduced our rating from AAA to -- plus -- come down one notch. And that was very disturbing and bothersome to us, and we have to deal with is.
副总统：这个问题提得很好。多家评级机构中有一家把我们的信贷评级从AAA下调了一级。这件事造成了一些困扰，对我们来说是个麻烦，我们不得不应对。

We do have a deficit that I was asked by the President to head up a commission to try to deal with that deficit. And we made some significant progress, but not the progress we could have made and will make. The bottom line is we have to deal with two elements of our economy. One is what we call entitlement programs -- long-term commitments to our people in the area of particularly Medicare. That is the safety net we have for people once they reach the age of 65 to be able to be assured that they have health care.
我们的财政确实有赤字，奥巴马总统请我主持一个委员会来努力管理这项赤字。我们取得了一些重大进展，但还没有取得我们本应取得和即将取得的进展。最根本的是，我们必须调整我国经济中的两个要素。一个是我们所说的“福利计划”，特别是在联邦老年医保计划方面向美国人民作出的长期承诺。该计划是我们为老年人提供的医疗保障，也就是年满65岁即可享受的医疗保险。

And it is not sustainable without some changes in large part because we had what we call a baby boom, which doesn’t sound like much to Chinese -- 40 million people is not a big deal, I know. (Laughter.) But adding 40 million people to those who will benefit from the Medicare -- Medicaid payment -- Medicare payments has put the program in a position where changes have to be made.
如果不进行某些改变，该计划将无法持续，主要原因是我们曾经有过一个所谓的“婴儿潮”，这一时期出生的人有4,000万，我知道对中国人来说这不算多，没什么大不了。（笑声）但是，如果联邦老年医保计划的受益者再增加4,000万人，就会入不敷出，因此必须对该计划作出改变。

It’s easy to make those changes, and we had a tentative agreement to do that between the major political leaders of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party and the administration. But there is a group within the Republican Party that is a very strong voice now that did -- wanted different changes, and so that deal fell through at the very end.
要实现这些变革并不难，共和党和民主党的主要领导人以及奥巴马政府之间曾经达成一个初步协议。但共和党内部现在有一群嗓门很大的人，他们要求作出另外的改变，因此这项交易在最后关头夭折了。

What we ended up doing is setting up a system whereby we did cut by $1.2 trillion upfront, the deficit over the next 10 years. And we set up a group of senators that have to come up with another $1.2 to $1.7 trillion in savings or automatically there will be cuts that go into effect in January to get those savings. So the savings will be accomplished. But as I was talking to some of your leaders, you share a similar concern here in China. You have no safety net. Your policy has been one which I fully understand -- I’m not second-guessing -- of one child per family. The result being that you’re in a position where one wage earner will be taking care of four retired people. Not sustainable.
我们最后做到的是建立了一个框架，在这个框架内我们决定把今后10年的赤字初步削减1.2万亿美元。我们还成立了一个参议员小组，该小组必须提出另外削减1.2万亿至1.7万亿美元的计划，否则明年一月削减自动生效，以省下这笔钱。因此，缩减开支的目的一定会达到。但正如我通过与你们的一些领导人谈话所了解到的，你们在中国也有类似的担忧。你们缺乏社会保障网。你们一直实行一个家庭只生一个孩子的政策——我完全理解这一政策，也不会在这里指手划脚。但这种政策的结果是，一个赚取工薪的人将要照料四个退休的老人。这也是一种不可持续的状况。

So hopefully we can act in a way on a problem that's much less severe than yours, and maybe we can learn together from how we can do that.
所以，我希望我们能够对这个问题采取行动——与你们面临的问题相比,我们的问题相对容易解决——或许我们可以共同探索如何解决这些问题。

But in the meantime, the concern that we will not make good on the investments that people have made -- in your case up to $1.7 trillion total out of a very large economy is not to worry about. We could not afford -- we could not afford not to make good on that requirement.
但与此同时，担心我们作为一个非常大型的经济不会保持对人们投资的承诺——在你们的情况下有高达1.7万亿美元——是不需要的。我们不能不——我们不能不兑现承诺。

And that's why the irony was that in the Treasury offering in the first four days after the downgrade, more people actually came and bought our treasuries than before. And the interest rate paid on those treasury notes actually went down because they were so much in demand. So obviously, the rest of the world didn't think we were about not to. If the world thought, my God, they’ve been downgraded, and they are not going to make good on their debt, it would not have been viewed as the safest haven in the whole world to invest. We are still -- for all the economic difficulties nation’s have -- we are still the single best bet in the world in terms of where to invest.
这也就是为什么有意思的是，就国债发行而言，在降级后的最初四天里，其实有比过去更多的人来购买我们的国库券。而且需求之大，这些债券的利息率还降低了。所以显然，世界其他地方没有认为我们将要不行了。如果全世界认为，天哪，他们被降级了，他们即将无法还债了，那么美国就不会被视为是全世界最安全的投资之地。我们仍然是——尽管我们有种种经济困难——就投资而言，我们仍然是全世界最最保险的地方。

And so -- but we do have to dea with the deficit. We will deal with it, and that's what this 2012 election is going to be about. The American people are going to speak on that.
所以说——但是，我们的确必须解决赤字问题。我们会解决它，这也将是2012年选举的焦点。美国人民将对此发出他们的声音。

Now, look, one last point, both our countries are going through a political transition in 2012. And it’s very important in my view that we both are aware of the political sensitivities in each of the countries as they go through that. But I’m confident we will come out stronger, as will you. But I don't in any way suggest -- please don't have the press read that Biden said that $1.7 trillion investment in the United States is not a big deal. It is a big deal if you are a Chinese. (Laughter.) It is not a big deal in terms of our financial instruments. It is a very small part, and so the Chinese people should take solace. In order for us not to make good on China’s debt, we would have to disappoint tens of millions of Americans who own 85 percent of that debt. And just in pure political terms, no politician wants to do that. (Laughter.) You’re safe. (Applause.)
还有最后一点。我们两国都要在2012年经历政治更迭期。我认为，我们都非常有必要认识到各国在这一转换时期时具有的政治敏感。但我有信心，我们将由此而变得更加强大，你们也一样。但我绝对不是说——请新闻界不要将此解读为拜登说在美国1.7万亿的投资没什么了不得的；如果你是中国人，这是了不得的。（笑声）但是作为我们的金融手段而言，它不是了不得的，它是很小的一部分，所以中国人民应该安心。如果要让我们无法兑现中国的债务，那我们必须首先要让千百万美国人失望，他们是85%国债的债权人。仅纯粹从政治角度而言，没有任何政治人物想这样做。（笑声）你们是安全的。（掌声）

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Question. Young man in the striped shirt here. Can you get him the microphone?

Q: Thank you, very much, Your Excellency Vice President. I see you not just as the Vice President but a veteran and accomplished public speaker.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Do I look that old? (Laughter.)

Q: I mean being serious -- so as is known to all, public speaking, and English public speaking, in particular, is getting all the more popular in China. So my question is twofold: First of all, what role has public speaking played in your life? Because we say that public speaking is the language of leadership. And secondly, what role do you think public speaking will play among our youth of the two countries and to our bilateral relations? Thank you very much. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: That's a very good question. Let me order my thoughts here to make this as brief as I can. The commodity that is worth a lot more than public speaking is sincerity when one speaks. I mean this sincerely now. (Laughter.) There are great orators that have come along in the world history who have been charlatans. So the most important thing to look to in a leader’s speech is not the elegance or the rhetorical flourish of his or her comments, but the judgment of whether or not you believe they are sincere in what they're saying.
副总统：这个问题提得很好。我来整理一下思绪，以便尽量简要地作出回答。对于演讲者来说，远比演讲技巧有价值的一点是真诚。我说这句话的时候就是真诚的。（笑声）在世界历史上有一些享有盛名的演说家其实是江湖骗子。因此，在听一位领导人演说时，最重要的不是看其能否侃侃而谈或其言辞是否文采飞扬，而在于你是否认为演讲人在讲话时态度诚恳。

Secondly, you compliment me by saying I’m an accomplished public speaker. I don't know whether you’ve had an opportunity to see a movie that has gotten worldwide circulation called “The King’s Speech.” Well, but for the royal blood and the money, that could have been me. I was a serious stutterer when I was in school as a child, as a high school student, and even into college. And I practiced very, very hard by myself, standing in front of a mirror, trying to annunciate without contorting my face.
其次，你夸奖我是一位很有造诣的演说家。我不知道你是否有机会看过在世界各地广泛放映的一个电影，叫做“国王的演说”。如果忽略王室出身和金钱，那个人可能就是我。我从小学到高中甚至大学一直有很严重的口吃。我刻苦练习，站在镜子前面，努力在发音时不把脸扭歪。

When you think about it, whether it’s China or America, the only impediment people feel free to make fun of and humor of is a stutterer. If I had a deformed face, you would not make fun of my face. But if I stood before you and ta-ta-talked to-to-to you like that, you’d do what you’re now -- you’re smiling. And it’s offensive. It’s offensive. Because it is a serious impediment. When one stutters, people believe they are stupid. People believe they are not worth much. And there’s tens of millions of people around the world trapped with a keen mind and big heart, trapped inside of a body that cannot articulate what they feel.
我们可以想一想，无论是在中国还是美国，人们可以随意开玩笑或取笑的唯一生理缺陷是口吃。如果我有一张残缺变形的脸，你们不会取笑我的脸。但是，如果我站在你们面前，像这样跟跟跟你们讲讲讲话，你们可能会像现在这样——在微笑。可这样做是非常不礼貌的。这样做是非常不礼貌的，因为这是一种严重的生理缺陷。人们往往认为口吃的人很笨，认为他们没什么用处，然而世界上有千千万万聪明善良的人只是由于生理上的障碍不能表达他们的情感。

And the reason I bother to mention that to you is to get to the third and most important point. Speech, communication -- to state the obvious -- is the currency of understanding. It’s the currency with which we exchange ideas. It’s stuff from which flows the sense of whether one is being truthful or honest or sincere. We judge from the way people speak whether they’re being transparent and open, whether they're being cramped and cabined. And so the thing that I’m most embarrassed about in my career of 38 years of having an opportunity to literally meet every major world leader in the last 38 years. I was elected as a 30 -- 29-year-old, young man from modest means. And I’ve had that opportunity. The thing that always embarrasses me is -- and in the back of my head, I’m embarrassed in front of you -- I’m embarrassed I can’t speak to you in Chinese. I would -- seriously -- I would rather be able to honor you and show my respect for you by speaking your language, as you honor me by speaking mine.
我跟你们提到这件事是因为我要讲的第三点也是最重要的一点。言语、交流——表达清楚明白的想法——是达到理解的途径，是我们交换想法的途径，也是我们借以判断一个人是否真实、诚实或真诚的途径。通过人们讲话的方式，我们可以判断他们是开诚布公还是居心叵测。在我38年的职业生涯中——我曾有机会在这38年中与世界各地的领导人会晤——有一点让我感到羞愧。我家境贫寒，30岁——其实是29岁——赢得选举担任公职。我得到了这个机会。有一点总是让我感到羞愧的是——此刻我站在你们面前，内心也感到同样的羞愧——我为不能跟你们讲中文而感到羞愧。我希望——这是真话——我能够说你们的语言，以此向你们表示敬意，正如你们讲我的母语是对我表示尊重。

And so language, the ability not only to master the ability to put your ideas into words succinctly on a platform to communicate ideas to your own people, it is even more impressive when you have the capacity to do that and communicate your ideas, especially as future business and political and moral leaders of the world in the language of the people to whom you are speaking.
语言是一种能力，它不仅能够使你站在讲台上用词汇明确地表达你的想法，向同胞们表达你的想法，更令人钦佩的是，它使你能够用其他人的母语表达你的想法，特别是作为世界上未来的企业家、政治家和道德典范。

So I think there is no greater resource that a nation could seek than having a group of people who were able to communicate in the same idiom, the same dialect, the same -- the same pattern as the people to whom as they're speaking. Because this is all about -- all about -- understanding one another.
因此，对于一个国家而言，我认为最宝贵的资源就是有这样一批人，他们能够用对方的习惯用语、方言乃至遵循对方的语言习惯表达自己，因为归根结底最重要的是互相理解。

Let me conclude by saying this. My father was a high school-educated man. He never went to a university and -- nor did my mother or anyone in my family at that time. But my father was an elegant, decent man -- eloquent and elegant, decent man. My father used to have an expression, and maybe it’s the best way for me to conclude my comments with you all, and I wish I could stay later -- longer, sincerely wish I could. He used to say, Joe, the only conflict that is worse than one that is intended is one that is unintended. The only conflict worse than one that is intended is one that is unintended.
最后，我还要说几句。我父亲是个受过高中教育的人。他从来没进过大学——那个时候， 我母亲和任何家人都没进过大学。但我父亲是一个文雅、体面的人——有口才、温文尔雅和体面的人。我父亲总喜欢说这样一句话，或许我最好用这句话结束对大家的讲话，我希望我可以多留一会，——多呆一些时间，我衷心希望我能如此。他常说，乔，唯一比意想之中的冲突更糟的是意想不到的冲突。唯一比意想之中的冲突更糟的是意想不到的冲突。

Language, speech, interchange, openness, communication -- that is the material that can be used to lessen the possibility of the unintended, the unintended conflict. I have great faith in all of you. I mean this sincerely. You’re an incredible country, an incredible people. And the fact there’s a hundred thousand students here at this great university, the fact that there are millions of Chinese at universities throughout -- throughout this country; the fact that there’s 130,000 Chinese nationals speaking -- citizens, going to American universities is the stuff which gives me faith.
语言、话语、交流、开放、沟通——这是可以用来减少可能产生意想不到的、意外的冲突的方式。我对你们大家有极大的信心。我真心这样想。你们是一个了不起的国家、了不起的民族。在这所优秀的学校有成千上万的学生，在整个国家有数百万人上大学；有13万中国人上美国大学，有关的事实就是我信心的来源。

Believe in yourselves. Believe in yourselves. You have the capacity to do anything, anything anyone in the world has ever done. And the more you do, the better off my granddaughter and my great granddaughter’s generation are going to be.
相信你们自己。相信你们自己。你们有能力做任何事情，做任何世界上任何人曾经做过的事。你们做得越多，我的孙女和我的重孙女的这一代人都将过得更好。

Thank you for the honor of being here. (Applause.) Thank you, all, very much. (Applause.)
感谢你们让我有幸来到这里。（掌声。）谢谢大家，多谢。（掌声。）