(单词翻译:单击)
In recent years though, we’ve seen something of a resurgence in the labor movement.
近年来，我们看到了劳工运动的某种复兴。
As of 2020, the OECD reports that union membership has increased in countries like Ireland, Costa Rica, and the United States.
经合组织报告称，截至2020年，爱尔兰、哥斯达黎加和美国等国的工会成员数量有所增加。
And here in the U.S., stories of scrappy employees who are fighting to unionize their Amazon distribution centers or Starbucks cafes, and actually winning -- despite lots of opposition from their corporate employers – are all over the news.
在美国，尽管遭到雇主的强烈反对，但好斗的亚马逊配送中心或星巴克的员工为组建工会而斗争，并最终获胜的故事在新闻上随处可见。
So what’s going on?
那到底是怎么回事？
Why do unions seem to be on the rise again?
为什么工会似乎又开始崛起了？
Thomas Kochan is a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management who’s long studied work and employment policies.
托马斯·科昌是麻省理工学院斯隆管理学院的教授，长期研究工作和就业政策。
And he’s here to answer some of these questions.
他将在这里回答其中一些问题。
Hi Tom. Hi Alison. Good to be with you.
你好，汤姆。嗨，艾莉森。很高兴和你一起。
So anyone who follows business news has heard about these recent union victories at Amazon and Starbucks.
所以，任何关注商业新闻的人都听说过亚马逊和星巴克最近在工会方面取得的胜利。
But how widespread is the trend?
但这一趋势有多普遍？
Does it extend to both blue collar and white collar workplaces?
它是否同时适用于蓝领和白领工作场所？
Is it mostly the U.S., or many other countries?
主要是美国，还是其他许多国家？
Well Alison, there’s no question there’s an upsurge in organizing.
嗯，艾莉森，毫无疑问，组织工作的热潮正在兴起。
And in the United States, it’s broadly distributed across a wide range of service industries in particular.
在美国，它广泛分布在广泛的服务行业中。
In retail, in the media, obviously in hospitality with Starbucks and other food service organizations.
在零售业，在媒体，显然是在星巴克和其他餐饮服务机构的招待方面。
And even then in services like warehousing with Amazon.
即便如此，亚马逊的仓储等服务也是如此。
But it’s not just a U.S. phenomenon.
但这不仅仅是美国的现象。
Other countries in some respects are growing in union membership faster than the United States.
在某些方面，其他国家在工会成员方面的增长速度比美国更快。
And we’re currently experiencing a big upsurge in unrest in Europe, particularly in the transportation sectors.
我们目前正在欧洲经历一场大规模的骚乱，特别是在交通领域。
So obviously around the world, there are big disparities in what the OECD calls trade center density.
很明显，世界各地在经合组织所称的贸易中心密度方面存在巨大差异。
I learned prepping for this podcast that it’s anything from 6% in Estonia to more than 90% in Iceland.
为了准备这期播客，我了解到，爱沙尼亚的比例是6%，冰岛的比例是90%以上。
But what factors determine how union friendly a country has been historically and might be today?
但是，是什么因素决定了一个国家在历史上和今天对工会的友好程度？
Well in that respect, actually the United States is pretty much of an outlier.
在这方面，美国实际上是一个异类。
If you talk with executives in Europe as I do very frequently, you often hear them talk about unions as social partners.
如果你像我一样经常与欧洲的高管交谈，你经常会听到他们把工会说成是社会合作伙伴。
That they accept as part of their democratic fabric and their culture that workers have a right to organize and they need to respect that right.
他们接受工人有组织的权利，这是他们民主结构和文化的一部分，他们需要尊重这一权利。
They need to work with unions.
他们需要与工会合作。
It doesn’t mean that conflict goes away.
这并不意味着冲突消失了。
It doesn’t mean that they embrace all of the demands that unions might put on the table.
这并不意味着他们接受了工会提出的所有要求。
But they respect the right of workers to be represented.
但他们尊重工人代表的权利。
The United States has a long history of a managerial ideology of go it alone.
美国有着悠久的单打独斗的管理思想。
That management can manage the workforce as individuals, and it doesn’t need what they might call a third-party.
这种管理方式可以将员工作为个体进行管理，而不需要所谓的第三方。
That has accelerated in the last 40 years because as unions decline, fewer and fewer companies, and fewer and fewer executives, and fewer HR executives have any experience in working with unions.
这在过去40年里加速了，因为随着工会的衰落，越来越少的公司，越来越少的高管，越来越少的人力资源高管有与工会合作的经验。
So their knee-jerk reaction is to resist at all costs with all resources available anytime workers express an interest in unionizing.
因此，他们的下意识反应是，只要工人表示有兴趣成立工会，他们就会不惜一切代价、利用一切可用的资源进行抵制。
