(单词翻译:单击)
He decided to run for president.
他决定竞选总统。
The regime, recognizing the power of Siarhei’s mirror, would not allow him to register his candidacy, just as it had not allowed him to register the ownership of his house.
政府认识到Siarhei的镜子的力量，不允许他登记候选人资格，就像不允许他登记房子的所有权一样。
It ended his campaign and arrested him.
这结束了他的竞选活动，并逮捕了他。
Tsikhanouskaya ran in his place, with no motive other than “to show my love for him.”
齐克哈努斯卡娅代替他跑了，除了“表达我对他的爱”没有别的动机。
The police and bureaucrats let her.
警察和官僚们让她这么做了。
Because what harm could she do, this simple housewife, this woman with no political experience?
因为她能做什么坏事呢，这个单纯的家庭主妇，这个没有政治经验的女人?
And so, in July 2020, she registered as a candidate.
因此，在2020年7月，她登记成为候选人。
Unlike her husband, she was afraid.
不像她的丈夫，她很害怕。
She woke up “so scared” every morning, she told me, and sometimes she stayed scared all day long.
她告诉我，她每天早上醒来都“很害怕”，有时她一整天都很害怕。
But she kept going. Which was, though she doesn’t say so, incredibly brave.
但她继续前进。 这是一种，尽管她没有说，非常勇敢的行为。
“You feel this responsibility, you wake up with this pain for those people who are in jail, you go to bed with the same feeling.”
“你感到了这种责任，你带着那些在监狱里的人的痛苦醒来，你带着同样的感觉上床睡觉。”
Unexpectedly, Tsikhanouskaya was a success—not despite her inexperience, but because of it.
出乎意料的是，齐克哈努斯卡娅成功了——不是因为她缺乏经验，而是因为她缺乏经验。
Her campaign became a campaign about ordinary people standing up to the regime.
她的竞选活动变成了一场普通人对抗政权的运动。
Two other prominent opposition politicians endorsed her after their own campaigns were blocked,
另外两名著名的反对派政治家在他们自己的竞选被阻止后支持了她，
and when the wife of one of them and the female campaign manager of the other were photographed alongside Tsikhanouskaya,
当他们中一人的妻子和这位女性竞选经理时被拍到与齐卡努斯卡娅在一起时，
her campaign became something more: a campaign about ordinary women—women who had been neglected, women who had no voice, even just women who loved their husbands.
她的竞选活动变得更有意义:一场关于普通女性的竞选——那些被忽视的女性，那些没有发言权的女性，甚至只是那些爱自己丈夫的女性。
In return, the regime targeted all three of these women.
作为报复，政府把这三名妇女都列为目标。
Tsikhanouskaya received an anonymous threat: Her children would be “sent to an orphanage.”
齐克哈努斯卡娅收到了匿名威胁:她的孩子们将被“送到孤儿院”。
She dispatched them with her mother abroad, to Vilnius, and kept campaigning.
她把孩子和母亲一起送到国外，去维尔纽斯，继续竞选。
Democratic revolutions are contagious.
民主革命传播很快。
If you can stamp them out in one country, you might prevent them from starting in others.
如果你能在一个国家消灭这些革命，你可能会阻止它们在其他国家开始。
On August 9, election officials announced that Lukashenko had won 80 percent of the vote, a number nobody believed.
8月9日，选举官员宣布卢卡申科赢得了80%的选票，没有人相信这个数字。
The internet was cut off, and Tsikhanouskaya was detained by police and then forced out of the country.
互联网被切断，齐卡努斯卡娅被警方拘留，然后被驱逐出境。
Mass demonstrations unfolded across Belarus.
大规模示威活动在白俄罗斯各地展开。
These were both a spontaneous outburst of feeling—a popular response to the stolen election—and a carefully coordinated project run by young people, some based in Warsaw, who had been experimenting with social media and new forms of communication for several years.
这既是一种自然的情绪爆发——一种对被窃取的选举的普遍反应——也是一个由年轻人精心协调的项目，其中一些人在华沙，他们已经尝试社交媒体和新的交流形式好几年了。
