There is a narrative, an idea that with resilience, grit and personal responsibility
有一种说法、一种想法：只要有抗压性、勇气以及责任感，
people can pull themselves up and achieve economic success.
人们就可以提升自己的生活，实现经济上的成就。
In the United States we call it the American dream.
在美国，我们称之为美国梦。
A similar narrative exists all over the world.
在全世界各地都有类似的说法。
But the truth is that the challenges of making this happen have less to do with what we do
但事实是，让梦想实现的挑战和我们的所做所为不是那么有关，
and more to do with the wealth position in which we are born.
而是和我们出生时的财富状况比较有关。
So I'm going to make the case that the United States government,
接下来我将以美国政府为例，
actually that any government, should create a trust account for every newborn of up to 60,000 dollars,
其实任何政府都应该要为每一位新生儿开立一个约达六万美元的信托账户，
calibrated to the wealth of the family in which they are born.
并根据他们出生家庭的财富来调校金额。
I'm talking about an endowment. Personal seed capital, a publicly established baby trust,
我在谈的是一种资助的概念。个人的本金由政府建立的宝宝信托，
what my colleague William Darity at Duke University and I have referred to as baby bonds,
我和我在杜克大学的同事威廉·达里泰称之为宝宝公债，
a term that was coined by the late historian from Columbia University, Manning Marable.
创造这个词的是哥伦比亚大学的已故历史学家曼宁·马拉布尔。
The reason why we should create these trusts is simple.
我们要开立这个信托的理由很简单。
Wealth is the paramount indicator of economic security and well-being.
财富是经济安全和幸福的重要指标。
It provides financial agency, economic security to take risk and shield against loss.
它提供财务操作和经济安全，让人能够承担风险，并且在损失时仍有所屏障。
Without capital, inequality is locked in.
没有资本，贫富不均就难以解套。
We use words like choice, freedom to describe the benefits of the market,
我们会用一些字眼，比如：选择、自由，来描述市场机制的益处，
but it is literally wealth that gives us choice, freedom and optionality.
但其实是财富让我们有选择、自由、操作空间。
Wealthier families are better positioned to finance an elite, independent school and college education,
比较富有的家庭，较能够付担得起：菁英的私立学校和大学教育，
access capital to start a business, finance expensive medical procedures,
取得资本来创业，付得起昂贵的手术医疗，
reside in neighborhoods with higher amenities, exert political influence through campaign finance,
住在拥有良好设施的小区，通过政治献金来产生政治影响力，
purchase better legal counsel if confronted with an expensive criminal justice system,
面对代价不斐的刑事司法诉讼体制时付得起比较好的法律咨询服务，
leave a bequest and/or withstand financial hardship resulting from any number of emergencies.
留下遗产，且/或能经得起任何紧急事件造成的困境。
Basically, when it comes to economic security, wealth is both the beginning and the end.
基本上，谈到经济安全，财富既是起点也是终点。
I will frame this conversation in the context of the United States,
我将今天演讲的架构，放在美国的情境，
but this discussion applies virtually to any country facing increasing inequality.
但这些讨论适用于任何面临贫富不均日益加剧的国家。
In the US, the top 10 percent of households hold about 80 percent of the nation's wealth
在美国，收入前10%的家庭拥有约全国财富的80%，
while the bottom 60 percent owns only about one percent.
而收入殿后60%的家庭总共只有全国财富的1%。
But when it comes to wealth, race is an even stronger predictor than class itself.
但谈到财富时，比起阶级，种族是更有效的预测变因。
Blacks and Latinos collectively make up 30 percent of the United States population,
黑人和拉丁裔合计占了美国人口的30%，
but collectively own about seven percent of the nation's wealth.
但总共只拥有全国财富的7%。
The 2016 survey of consumer finance indicates that the typical black family has about 17,000 dollars in wealth,
一项2016年的消费者财务调查指出，一般黑人家庭的财富大约是一万七千美元，
and that's inclusive of home equity, while the typical white family has about 170,000.
那包含了房屋净值在内，而一般的白人家庭则是十七万美元。
That is indicative of an absolute racial wealth gap
这明显点出了种族间有着绝对的财富落差，
where the typical black household has about 10 cents for every dollar held by the typical white family.
一般的黑人家庭每握有约十分钱，一般的白人家庭则有一元。
But regardless of race, the market alone has been inadequate to address these inequalities.
但若不考虑种族，单就市场机制并无法妥善处理这些贫富不均。
Even in times of economic expansion, inequality grows.
即便在经济成长时，贫富不均的差距也会增加。
Over the last 45 years, wealth disparity has increased dramatically, and essentially,
在过去45年，贫富差距戏剧性地成长，基本上，
all the economic gains from America's increase in productivity have gone to the elite or the upper middle class.
美国生产力上升带来的所有经济收益，都进了菁英或中上阶层的口袋。
Yet, much of the framing around economic disparity focuses on the poor choices of black, Latino and poor borrowers.
但这样框架下的经济差距都聚焦在黑人、拉丁裔和贫穷借方的拙劣选择。
This framing is wrong. The directional emphasis is wrong.
这样的框架定调是错误的。强调的方向是错误的。
It is more likely that meager economic circumstance, not poor decision making or deficient knowledge, constrains choice itself
比起拙劣的决策或是缺乏知识，更常是因为经济境况的贫乏限制了选项，
and leaves people with no options but to turn to predatory finance.
让人们没有选择而转向掠夺式的金融。
In essence, education is not the magic antidote
本质上，教育并不是神奇解药，
for the enormous inherited disparities that result from laws, policies and economic arrangement.
无法解决法律、政策和经济协议下所产生先天性的巨大落差。
This does not diminish the value of education. Indeed, I'm a university professor.
这并不是在贬低教育的价值。其实，我是一位大学教授。
There are clear intrinsic values to education, along with a public responsibility
教育有其明确的内在价值，并伴随着公共责任，
to expose everyone to a high-quality education, from grade school all the way through college.
那就是让每个人都有机会接触到良好的教育，从小学到大学。
But education is not the panacea.
但是教育并不是万灵药。
In fact, blacks who live in families where the head graduated from college
事实上，大学毕业的黑人拥有的财富，
typically have less wealth than white families where the head dropped out of high school.
通常比那些高中辍学的白人少。
Perhaps we overstate the functional role of education at the detriment of understanding the functional role of wealth.
或许我们过于强调教育的功能性，让我们低估了财富的力量。
Basically, it is wealth that begets more wealth.
本质上，财富带来更多财富。
That's why we advocate for baby trust. An economic birthright to capital for everyone.
这正是我们倡导婴儿信托基金的原因。给每个人与生俱来的资本权利。
These accounts would be held in public trust to be used as a foundation to an economically secure life.
这些账户应该由公共信托机构来持有，当作一个经济安全无虞的基础。
The concept of economic rights is not new nor is it radical.
经济权利的概念既不新也不激进。
In 1944, President Franklin Roosevelt introduced the idea of an economic Bill of Rights.
在1944年，富兰克林·罗斯福总统导入了经济权利法案的概念。
Roosevelt called for physical security, economic security, social security and moral security.
罗斯福倡导呼吁人身安全、经济安全、社会安全和道德安全。
Unfortunately, since the Nixon administration, the political sentiment regarding social mobility
不幸的是，从尼克松执政时期开始，关于社会流动性的政治观点，
has radically shifted away from government mandates to economic security to a neoliberal approach
已经大幅度地从政府命令下的经济安全，转向为一种新自由主义的方法
in which the market is presumed to be the solution for all our problems, economic or otherwise.
在新的方法中，市场机制被认为是解决一切问题的手段，不论是经济问题或是其他问题。
As a result, the onus of social mobility has shifted on to the individual.
因此，社会流动性的责任落到了个人身上。
The pervasive narrative is that even if your lot in life is subpar,
普遍的诠释是：即便你的生活低于水平，
with perseverance and hard work and the virtues of the free market, you can turn your proverbial rags into riches.
只要通过持之以恒地努力工作，加上自由市场的优点，你也可以把你的破衣烂衫变成财富。
Of course, the flip side is that the virtues of the market will likewise sanction those that are not astute,
当然，市场机制优点的另一面，也会同样惩罚那些不够精明，
those that lack motivation or those that are simply lazy.
和那些缺少动力、纯粹就是懒惰的人。
In other words, the deserving poor will receive their just rewards.
换句话说，那些应得的穷人将获得他们应得的回报。
What is glaringly missing from this narrative is the role of power and capital,
这种说法中明显忽略了权力和资本的作用，
and how that power and capital can be used to alter the rules and structure of transactions and markets in the first place.
以及权力和资本如何在一开始就被用来改变交易和市场的规则和结构。

Power and capital become self-reinforcing.
权力和资本会自我强化。
And without government intervention, they generate an iterative cycle of both stratification and inequality.
没有政府的介入，他们会创造出一个分层和不平等的迭代循环。
The capital finance provided by baby trust is intended to deliver a more egalitarian and an authentic pathway to economic security,
宝宝信托提供的资本金融，旨在创建一个更加平等、可信的途径，以保障经济安全，
independent of the family financial position in which individuals are born.
独立于原生家庭的财务状况。
The program would complement the economic rights to old-age pensions and provide a more comprehensive social security program,
这个方案将与老年退休金的经济权利相辅相成，并提供一个更全面的社会安全体系，
designed to provide capital finance from cradle all the way through grave.
这个体系的目的就是提供从出生到死亡的资本财务。
We envision endowing American newborns with an average account of 25,000 dollars
我们预想对于美国的新生儿进行平均每个帐户两万五千美金的资助，
that gradually rises upwards to 60,000 dollars for babies born into the poorest families.
资助金额会逐渐上升到六万美金，对应给那些最贫困家庭的新生儿。
Babies born into the wealthiest families would be included as well in the social contract,
而出生在最富裕家庭的孩子，也会被包含在这份社会契约，
but they would receive a more nominal account of about 500 dollars.
但是他们会收到一个大约五百美金的虚账户。
The accounts would be federally managed,
这些账户由联邦政府来管理，
and they would grow at a guaranteed annual interest rate of about two percent per year in order to curtail inflation cost,
并且将会以一个保障的年利率增长，这个利率大概是每年2%，以便抑制通货膨胀的成本，
and be used when the child reaches adulthood for some asset-enhancing activity,
当孩子到达成年时用于一些提高资产（价值）的活动，
like financing a debt-free university education, a down payment to purchase a home, or some seed capital to start a business.
比如：成为大学学费的资金而免于学贷，或是购屋的头期款，或是创业的种子基金。
With approximately four million babies born each year in the US,
美国一年大约有四百万名新生儿，
if the average endowment of a baby trust is set at 25,000 dollars,
若平均的婴儿信托基金额度为两万五千美金，
the program would crudely cost about 100 billion dollars a year.
这个方案粗估每年将消耗一千亿美金。
This would constitute only about two percent of current federal expenditures and be far less than the 500-plus billion dollars
这将只占联邦政府每年开支的2%，远低于每年五千多亿美金的耗资，
that's already being spent by the federal government on asset promotion through tax credits and subsidies.
而这五千多亿美金正在被政府用于通过减免税收和补贴的方式鼓励置产。
At issue is not the amount of that allocation but to whom it's distributed.
争议不在于拨款的金额，而在将分配给谁。
Currently, the top one percent of households, those earning above 100 million dollars,
当前，前1%的家庭，也就是那些身家大约一亿美金的人，
receive only about one third of this entire allocation, while the bottom 60 percent receive only five percent.
只收到了大约三分之一的拨款，而底层的60%家庭只收到了5%的拨款。
If the federal asset-promoting budget were allocated in a more progressive manner,
如果联邦政府用于鼓励置产的预算能以一种更激进的方式去配置，
federal policies could be transformative for all Americans.
联邦政策可能会对所有美国人产生革命性的改变。
This is a work in progress. There are obviously many details to be worked out,
这是一项进行中的工作。明显地还有很多细节需要发展，
but it is a policy proposal grounded in the functional roles and the inherited advantages of wealth
但这是一个奠基于功能性和生而赋予财富优势的政策方案，
that moves us away from the reinforcing status quo behavioral explanations for inequality towards more structural solutions.
这个方案能让我们从贫富不均恶性循环的现状，以行为去解释贫富不均，转变为更具结构化的解决方案。
Our existing tax policy that privileges existing wealth rather than establishing new wealth is a choice.
我们现有的税收机制赋予富人特权，而非推动白手起家的新贵，是一种人为选择。
The extent of our dramatic inequality is at least as much a problem of politics as it is a problem of economics.
现有不平等差距的扩大，不仅是一个经济的问题，也是一个政治的问题。
It is time to get beyond the false narratives
是时候突破那些错误的诠释了，
that attribute inequality to individual personal deficits while largely ignoring the advantages of wealth.
这些诠释把不平等归结于个人问题，却大幅地忽略了财富的优势。
Instead, public provisions of a baby trust
取而代之，公共供给的宝宝信托，
could go a long way towards eliminating the transmission of economic advantage or disadvantage across generations
能对消除贫富世袭发挥巨大作用，
and establishing a more moral and decent economy that facilitates assets, economic security and social mobility for all its citizens.
并建立一个更道德、正直的经济体，能够促进全体公民的资产流通、经济安全以及社会流动性。
Regardless of the race and the family positions in which they are born. Thank you very much.
不论种族肤色，或他们出生在什么样的家庭。谢谢大家。
Darrick. I mean, there's so much to like in this idea.
戴瑞克。我想，这个想法有很多可取之处。
There's one piece of branding around it that I worry about,
在宣传这个概念的时候，我担心其中的一点，
which is just that right now, trust-fund kids have a really bad rap.
现在的状况是，那些拥有信托基金的孩子们名声不佳。
You know, they're the sort of eyeball-rolling poster children for how money, kind of, takes away motivation.
您知道，他们有点像是那种蛮不在乎的代表人物，因为金钱似乎...夺走他们意志。
So, these trusts are different. So how do you show people in this proposal that it's not going to do that?
所以，这些信托是不一样的。那么你怎样向人们说明同样的状况不会发生在这个方案？
If you know you have limited resources or you're going to face discrimination,
如果你知道自己的资源有限，或者你将遭受歧视，
there's a narrative that, well, the economic returns to investing in myself are lower than that of someone else,
有一种说法，投资自身的经济回报比投资其他人的经济回报更低。
so I might as well enjoy my leisure.
这样的话，我不妨就悠闲度日。
Of course, there's another narrative as well, so we shouldn't get caught up on that,
当然，也有另外一种说法，所以我们不应该在此问题上纠缠不清，
you know, somebody who's poor and going to face discrimination, they also might pursue a resume-building strategy.
你知道，有人很穷并且将面临歧视，他们可能会采取为自己增值的策略。
The old adage, "I have to be twice as good as someone else."
老话说：“我必须要比别人加倍优秀”。
Now, when we say that, we never ask at what cost, are there health costs associated with that.
当我们说句话的时候，我们从不问代价是什么，是否是以健康为代价。
I haven't answered your question, but coming back to you question,
我还没有回答你的问题，回到你的问题上，
if you know you're going to receive a transfer at a later point in life,
如果你知道自己在不久的将来将收到一笔款项，
that only increases the incentive for you to invest in yourself so that you can better use that trust.
这只会增加你投资自身的动机，以便于你能更好地使用那份信托基金。
You're giving people possibilities of life they currently cannot imagine having.
你为人生带来更多可能，超越人们现在的想象。
And therefore the motivation to do that. I could talk with you for hours about this.
还有为此努力的动力。我对这个主题很感兴趣。
I'm really glad you're working on this. Thank you.
我很高兴你为件事而努力。谢谢你。