What I'm about to share with you are findings from a study of the brains of more than 1,000 children and adolescents.
我要和你们分享一项研究的成果，这项研究是关于1000个儿童和青少年的大脑。
Now, these were children who were recruited from diverse homes around the United States,
这些参与研究的儿童来自美国不同的家庭，
and this picture is an average of all of their brains.
这张图片代表了一个普通的大脑。
The front of this average brain is on your left and the back of this average brain is on your right.
图片中大脑的前面相当于你的大脑左侧，后面相当于你的大脑右侧。
Now, one of the things we were very interested in was the surface area of the cerebral cortex,
我们想要研究的事情之一就是大脑皮层的表面积，
or the thin, wrinkly layer on the outer surface of the brain that does most of the cognitive heavy lifting.
就是大脑外表面薄薄的皱巴巴的一层，它主要负责认知功能。
And that's because past work by other scientists has suggested that in many cases,
曾经有科学家的研究表明，在许多情况下，
a larger cortical surface area is often associated with higher intelligence.
皮层的表面积越大，代表着智商越高。
Now, in this study, we found one factor that was associated with the cortical surface area across nearly the entire surface of the brain.
在这次的研究中，我们发现有一个因素和整个大脑表面的皮层表面积有关联。
That factor was family income.
这个因素就是家庭收入。
Now, here, every point you see in color is a point
这上面，你看到的每一个彩色的点，
where higher family income was associated with a larger cortical surface area in that spot.
都代表着较高的家庭收入和较大的表层面积是相关联的。
And there were some regions, shown here in yellow, where that association was particularly pronounced.
还有一些区域，这些黄色的，是这种关联尤其明显的地方。
And those are regions that we know support a certain set of cognitive skills:
这些区域也是据我们所知负责一些特定的认知功能的区域：
language skills like vocabulary and reading as well as the ability to avoid distraction and exert self-control.
语言能力，比如说词汇和阅读，避免分心的能力，还有进行自我约束的能力。
And that's important, because those are the very skills that children living in poverty are most likely to struggle with.
这个很重要，因为这些能力恰恰是贫困的孩子最有可能欠缺的。
In fact, a child living with poverty is likely to perform worse on tests of language and impulse control before they even turn two.
事实上，一个贫困的孩子，在两岁之前，就有可能在语言测试和控制冲动的测试中显现出劣势。
Now, there are a few points I'd like to highlight about this study.
关于这项研究，我想强调几点。
Number one: this link between family income and children's brain structure was strongest at the lowest income levels.
第一，家庭收入和儿童大脑结构之间的这种关联，在最低收入水平人群中是最明显的。
So that means that dollar for dollar,
这意味着，在同一个标准下，
relatively small differences in family income were associated with proportionately greater differences in brain structure among the most disadvantaged families.
在最贫困的家庭中，家庭收入相对较小的差异，会带来大脑结构上较大的差异。
And intuitively, that makes sense, right?
直觉上，这是有道理的，对吧？
An extra 20,000 dollars for a family earning, say, 150,000 dollars a year would certainly be nice, but probably not game-changing,
假设一个家庭年收入是15万美元，再有额外的2万美元当然会更好，但是可能不影响大局，
whereas an extra 20,000 dollars for a family only earning 20,000 dollars a year
但是假设一个家庭年收入只有2万美元，那么这额外的2万美元，
would likely make a remarkable difference in their day-to-day lives.
就很可能给他们的生活带来显著的改变。
Now, the second point I'd like to highlight is that this link between family income and children's brain structure
我想强调的第二点，就是家庭收入和儿童大脑结构之间的这种关联，
didn't depend on the children's age, it didn't depend on their sex and it didn't depend on their race or ethnicity.
并不取决于儿童的年龄、性别、种族或是民族。
And the final point -- and this one's key -- there was tremendous variability from one child to the next,
最后一点，这点很重要，每两个孩子之间都有很大的个体差异，
by which I mean there were plenty of children from higher-income homes with smaller brain surfaces
也就是说，很多高收入家庭的孩子，也有较小的大脑表面积，
and plenty of children from lower-income homes with larger brain surfaces.
而很多较低收入家庭的孩子，也有较大的大脑表面积。
Here's an analogy. We all know that in childhood, boys tend to be taller than girls,
打个比方。我们都知道，在童年时期，男孩一般比女孩高一些，
but go into any elementary school classroom, and you'll find some girls who are taller than some boys.
但是任何一个小学的班级里，都有一些女孩比一些男孩要高。
So while growing up in poverty is certainly a risk factor for a smaller brain surface,
所以即使在贫困中成长会有一定的风险导致较小的大脑表面积，
in no way can I know an individual child's family income
我也并不能由一个儿童的家庭收入，
and know with any accuracy what that particular child's brain would look like.
准确地判断出这个儿童的大脑长什么样子。
I want you to imagine, for a moment, two children.
现在，想象有两个孩子。
One is a young child born into poverty in America;
一个孩子来自美国一个贫困家庭，
the other is also an American child, but one who was born into more fortunate circumstances.
另外一个也是美国的孩子，但他的家庭经济境况更好一些。
Now, at birth, we find absolutely no differences in how their brains work.
我们并没有发现他们出生时的大脑有任何区别。
But by the time those two kids are ready to start kindergarten,
但当两个孩子到了上幼儿园的年龄时，
we know that the child living in poverty is likely to have cognitive scores that are, on average, 60 percent lower than those of the other child.
我们知道那个贫困中长大的孩子，平均会比另一个孩子的认知能力低60%。
Later on, that child living in poverty will be five times more likely to drop out of high school,
后来，那个贫困中长大的孩子，从高中辍学的几率要高5倍，
and if she does graduate high school, she'll be less likely to earn a college degree.
假设她真的从高中毕业，她获得大学学位的可能性也更低。
By the time those two kids are 35 years old,
等两个孩子都35岁了，
if the first child spent her entire childhood living in poverty, she is up to 75 times more likely to be poor herself.
那个在贫困中长大的孩子依然贫困的概率要高出75倍。
But it doesn't have to be that way.
但是这种情况不是必然的。
As a neuroscientist, one of things I find most exciting about the human brain is that our experiences change our brains.
作为一个神经科学家，最令我兴奋的一个发现就是，我们的经历会改变我们的大脑。
Now, this concept, known as neuroplasticity,
这个概念叫做神经可塑性，
means that these differences in children's brain structure don't doom a child to a life of low achievement.
它意味着，儿童大脑结构的这些区别，并不意味着一个孩子的一生都会碌碌无为。
The brain is not destiny. And if a child's brain can be changed, then anything is possible.
大脑并不决定命运。而如果一个孩子的大脑能被改变，任何事都是有可能的。
As a society, we spend billions of dollars each year, educating our children.
我们的社会每年都会花费几十亿美元教育孩子，
So what can we tell schools, teachers and parents who want to help support kids from disadvantaged backgrounds to do their best in school and in life?
学校，家长和老师，都想帮助弱势背景的孩子在学校和生活中过得更好，那么我们能告诉他们什么呢？
Well, emerging science suggests that growing up in poverty is associated with a host of different experiences
最新的科学研究证明，在贫困中长大代表着很多不同的经历，
and that these experiences in turn may work together to help shape brain development and ultimately help kids learn.
这些经历放在一起可能会决定大脑的发育，并最终帮助孩子学习。
And so if this is right, it begs the question: Where along this pathway can we step in and provide help?
如果真的是这样，那么问题就来了：我们能在这个过程中的哪一步进行干预并提供帮助呢？
So let's consider first intervening at the level of learning itself -- most commonly through school-based initiatives.
我们首先考虑一下在学习阶段干预，这通常是通过学校的活动实现的。
Now, should we be encouraging teachers to focus on the kinds of skills that disadvantaged kids are most likely to struggle with?
我们是否应该鼓励教师着重关注贫困孩子最容易欠缺的技能呢？
Of course. The importance of high-quality education based in scientific evidence really can't be overstated.
当然。以科学证据为基础的高质量教育的重要性不容小觑。
And there are a number of examples of excellent interventions targeting things like literacy or self-regulation
而且有很多干预成功的例子，针对识字能力或自我约束，
that do in fact improve kids' cognitive development and their test scores.
成功地提高了孩子的认知能力和测试分数。
But as any intervention scientist doing this work would tell you, this work is challenging.
但是所有从事这类研究的科研者都会告诉你，这项工作很有挑战性。

It's hard to implement high-quality, evidence-based education.
以科学证据为基础的高质量教育很难实施。
And it can be labor-intensive, it's sometimes costly.
有可能需要很大的人力投入，有时费用高昂。
And in many cases, these disparities in child development emerge early
并且在许多情况下，这些儿童发育的差距很早就显现了
well before the start of formal schooling, sometimes when kids are just toddlers.
早在他们开始正式的学校教育之前，有时甚至在幼儿时期。
And so I would argue: school is very important,
所以我的观点是，学校很重要，
but if we're focusing all of our policy efforts on formal schooling, we're probably starting too late.
但如果我们把所有的政策工作都集中在正规学校教育上，可能为时已晚了。
So what about taking a step back and focusing on trying to change children's experiences?
那么我们能不能退后一步，着眼于改变儿童的成长经历呢？
What particular experiences are associated with growing up in poverty
有哪些经历是与在贫困中成长有关，
and might be able to be targeted to promote brain development and learning outcomes for kids?
并且能被干预，以促进孩子的大脑发育和学习效果呢？
Of course, there are many, right?
当然，有很多，对吧？
Nutrition, access to health care, exposure to second-hand smoke or lead, experience of stress or discrimination, to name a few.
营养，医疗资源，二手烟污染或铅污染，有压力的环境或者受到歧视，等等。
In my laboratory, we're particularly focused on a few types of experiences
在我的实验室里，我们特别关注几种类型的经历，
that we believe may be able to be targeted to promote children's brain development and ultimately improve their learning outcomes.
我们认为这些经历也许能够被干预以促进儿童大脑发育，并最终提升他们的学习成果。
As one example, take something I'll call the home language environment, by which I mean,
举一个例子，有一样东西叫做家庭语言环境，
we know that the number of words kids hear and the number of conversations they're engaged in every day can vary tremendously.
我们知道，孩子们听到的词汇的数量和他们每天进行的对话数量可能差异很大。
By some estimates, kids from more advantaged backgrounds hear an average of 30 million more spoken words
据估计，来自更有优势背景的孩子们，平均会多听到3000万个口语词汇，
in the first few years of life compared to kids from less advantaged backgrounds.
在前几年中，与较弱势群体的孩子相比。
Now, in our work, we're finding that kids who experience more back-and-forth,
在我们的研究中发现，进行更多双向对话的孩子，
responsive conversational turns tend to have a larger brain surface in parts of the brain that we know are responsible for language and reading skills.
大脑控制语言和阅读能力的区域有更大的表面积。
And in fact, the number of conversations they hear seems to matter a little bit more than the sheer number of words they hear.
事实上，他们听到的对话的数量，比他们听到的词汇的数量，似乎还更重要一些。
So one tantalizing possibility is that we should be teaching parents not just to talk a lot,
所以有一种令人欣喜的可能，就是我们要教给父母们，不仅要多说话，
but to actually have more conversations with their children.
而且要和他们的孩子多进行对话。
In this way, it's possible that we'll promote brain development and perhaps their kids' language and reading skills.
这样有可能促进孩子的大脑发育，并提高孩子的语言和阅读能力。
And in fact, a number of scientists are testing that exciting possibility right now.
事实上，许多科学家现在正在测试这个令人振奋的方法是否可行。
But of course, we all know that growing up in poverty is associated with lots of different experiences
但是，我们当然都知道，在贫困中长大代表着很多不同的经历，
beyond just how many conversations kids are having.
不仅仅是孩子进行了多少对话。
So how do we choose what else to focus on? The list can be overwhelming.
那么我们如何选择别的关键点呢？各种因素可能太多了。
There are a number of high-quality interventions that do try to change children's experience, many of which are quite effective.
有很多更高质量的干预方法，试图改变孩子的经历，其中不乏相当有效的方法。
But again, just like school-based initiatives, this is hard work.
但是，就像学校主导的方式一样，它并不容易。
It can be challenging, it can be labor-intensive, sometimes costly
它有很多挑战，需要人力投入，有时费用高昂...
and on occasion, it can be somewhat patronizing for scientists to swoop in and tell a family what they need to change in order for their child to succeed.
而且有时，科学家们介入一个家庭，告诉他们需要怎么改变才能让他们的孩子成功，会显得有些冒昧。
So I want to share an idea with you.
所以我想和你们分享一个想法。
What if we tried to help young children in poverty by simply giving their families more money?
我们能不能仅仅通过给贫困孩子的家庭捐款来帮助他们呢？
I'm privileged to be working with a team of economists, social policy experts and neuroscientists in leading Baby's First Years,
我有幸和一些经济学家，社会政策专家和神经科学家一起合作共同负责“孩子的最初阶段”这个实验，
the first-ever randomized study to test whether poverty reduction causes changes in children's brain development.
这是首个探究减轻贫困能否改变孩子的大脑发育的随机实验。
Now, the ambition of the study is large, but the premise is actually quite simple.
这项研究的目标很大，但它的前提实际上很简单。
In May of 2018, we began recruiting 1,000 mothers living below the federal poverty line shortly after they gave birth in a number of American hospitals.
从2018年5月起，我们开始在美国的各个医院招募1000名刚刚生过孩子的生活在国家贫困线以下的母亲。
Upon enrolling in our study, all mothers receive an unconditional monthly cash gift for the first 40 months of their children's lives,
在参与我们的实验后，所有的妈妈在孩子出生后的前40个月，每个月都会收到一笔无条件的现金礼物，
and they're free to use this money however they like.
她们可以任意支配这笔钱。
But importantly, mothers are being randomized, so some mothers are randomized to receive a nominal monthly cash gift
但有一点很重要，这些妈妈是随机挑选的，有些妈妈每个月会收到很少的一笔钱，
and others are randomized to receive several hundred dollars each month,
而其他的妈妈则被随机挑选为每个月收到几百美金，
an amount that we believe is large enough to make a difference in their day-to-day lives,
我们觉得这笔钱足够给她们的日常生活带来改变，
in most cases increasing their monthly income by 20 to 25 percent.
在多数情况下，这会使她们的月收入提高20%到25%。
So in this way, we're hoping to finally move past questions of how poverty is correlated with child development
通过这种方式，我们希望能跳脱出贫困是否和儿童发展相关联的问题，
and actually be able to test whether reducing poverty causes changes in children's cognitive, emotional and brain development in the first three years of life
而是真正探究在儿童三岁前，减轻贫困能否引起儿童的认知、情感和大脑发育的改变，
the very time when we believe the developing brain may be most malleable to experience.
我们认为，这三年发育中的大脑最容易被不同的经历塑造。
Now, we won't have definitive results from this study for several years,
这项研究在几年之内都不会有明确的结果，
and if nothing else, 1,000 newborns and their moms will have a bit more cash each month that they tell us they very much need.
但最起码，1000个新生儿和他们的妈妈能在每个月拿到一些他们迫切需要的额外的钱。
But what if it turns out that a cost-effective way to help young children in poverty is to simply give their moms more money?
但如果研究证明，给妈妈们更多钱是帮助在贫困中的孩子的一种更加节省财力的方式呢？
If our hypotheses are borne out, it's our hope that results from this work will inform debates about social services
如果我们的假设被证实，那么我们希望这次实验的成果能启发我们对社工服务的思考，
that have the potential to effect millions of families with young children.
这将有可能改变几百万个有孩子的家庭。
Because while income may not be the only or even the most important factor in determining children's brain development,
虽然收入并不是决定儿童大脑发育的唯一的或最重要的因素，
it may be one that, from a policy perspective, can be easily addressed.
从政策角度来说，它却有可能是最容易被解决的。
Put simply, if we can show that reducing poverty changes how children's brains develop
简单来说，如果我们能证明减轻贫困能改变儿童大脑的发育，
and that leads to meaningful policy changes,
从而引起政策上的有意义的改变，
then a young child born into poverty today may have a much better shot at a brighter future. Thank you.
那么今天一个贫困家庭的孩子，就有可能有一个更加美好的未来。谢谢。