英文
The eighth and last Millennium Development Goal is a global partnership for development. This means that developing countries must not be left to develop on their own. They need the help of the richer and more powerful countries through the removal of unfair trade barriers and subsidised competition; through the elimination of the debts which oblige so many poor countries to spend more on repaying and servicing their creditors than they can on the social needs of their own people; and through more generous official development aid which the rich countries have repeatedly promised to provide.

In practical terms, global partnership means that every country where there is extreme poverty is entitled to expect help in forging and pursuing a national strategy to achieve the MDGs by 2015. For the poorest countries, most of which are in Africa, this will be of decisive importance. Without it, they will not reach the Goals. With it, they are in with a real chance.

That places a big responsibility on the rich countries and it is one that China shares. I know you are used to thinking of your country as a developing one, and so it is probably the fastest developing country the world has ever seen. But the more successfully it develops, the more it too will be expected to show solidarity with smaller and poorer countries that still need a helping hand.

By the same token, as China’s geopolitical weight grows, so does its share of responsibility for world security.

As well as global solidarity, the Millennium Declaration expressed a shared vision of collective security, rooted in the United Nations Charter.

Yet the events of the past two years have called that consensus in question.

Some have doubted whether Article 51 of the Charter, which reaffirms the inherent right of self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security, is still sufficient in an age when an armed attack may come without warning, from a clandestine terrorist group, perhaps armed with weapons of mass destruction.

They have argued that force must sometimes be used preventively, and that they must be free to decide when their national security requires it.

Others have replied that that doctrine is in itself a grave threat to international peace and security since it might imply that any state has the right to use force whenever it sees fit, without regard to other states’ concerns. And that is precisely the state of affairs which the United Nations was created to save humanity from.

Indeed, the first purpose of the United Nations, laid down in Article 1 of the Charter, is to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace.

We must show that the United Nations is capable of fulfilling that purpose, so that States do not feel obliged or entitled to take the law into their own hands.

that is why, last year, I asked a small panel of distinguished men and women to make recommendations on ways of dealing with threats and challenges to peace and security in the twenty-first century. I am delighted that a very wise Chinese statesman, Mr. Qian Qichen, agreed to join that panel, whose report should be ready in a few weeks’ time.

In short, my friends, there is much to be done to make the world safe in this new century, and to give all its inhabitants a real chance of living prosperous and fulfilling lives. Many bold decisions need to be taken, and taken soon.

I hope that some of the most important may be taken in September next year, when world leaders will again assemble at the United Nations to review the progress made, or not made, since the Millennium Declaration. This will be the world’s best chance for a breakthrough to address the joint global challenges of development and security. Yet the task will be much tougher than five years ag instead of setting goals, this time leaders must agree on concrete decisions to achieve them.

For 191 nations to agree on a common path forward, many debates will be needed over the coming year, both within countries and among them. Governments will have to work together and reach compromises, sometimes involving the sacrifice of cherished national goals or interests. And they can do so only if their peoples understand what is at stake, and firmly support it.

China, with its remarkable experience in development and expertise in security, can make a leading contribution to this vital global breakthrough.

That is why I am so glad to be in Beijing today, and to have the chance to speak not only to your government but also to you here, in one of China’s great centres of innovation and creative thought. You young educated people have so much to contribute to development, and to meeting the global challenges that I have spoken about safeguarding world peace and security, developing friendly relations among peoples of different faith or culture, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

You already have a well-developed network of solidarity between richer and poorer regions within China, and I know many of you will be serving in poor areas, after you graduate. I hope some of you will think also about serving in other parts of the world, where your skills may be even more desperately needed.

I urge you all and your contemporaries throughout China to commit yourselves to finding answers to our century’s great challenges of poverty, disease, and environmental degradation. I say to you, as I have said to students in the United States, and many other countries, go out and make the world better!

But I have spoken long enough. Now it’s your turn. If you have questions, I will try to answer them. But I hope you may also have comments, so that I can learn from you.

Thank you very much.
中文
千年发展目标的第八项也是最后一项是全球合作促进发展。这就意味着不能抛开发展中国家不管，任其自己发展。发展中国家需要较为富裕、较为强大的国家给予帮助，这就需要消除不公平的贸易壁垒，消除补贴式竞争；需要免除债务，许多贫穷国家为了向债主偿还债务，所费开支远远超出了这些国家为满足本国人民的社会需求所作的开支：还需要更为慷慨的官方发展援助，许多富裕国家曾屡作承诺，提供这种援助。

具体说来，全球伙伴关系意味着每一个存在赤贫的国家都有权利期望获得帮助，以拟定并执行到2015年实现千年发展目标的国家战略。这一点对于大多数位处非洲的最贫穷的国家来说，具有至关重要的意义。如果没有这种帮助，这些国家就不能实现千年发展目标。如果能够得到这种帮助，这些国家就真正有机会实现这些目标。　

这就使富裕国家担负起一个重大责任，对此，中国也责无旁贷。我知道，你们习惯将自己的国家作为一个发展中国家来看待，中国也的确是一个发展中国家，也许是世界上前所未有的发展速度最快的囚家。不过，中国发展越成功，人们也就越期待中国能够对那些仍然需要援助之手的小国、穷国表现出同舟共济的精神。　　

同样，随着中国在地缘政治方面地位不断提高，她在世界安全方面也应分担更大的责任。《千年宣言》体现了全球团结的精神，也表达了集体安全这一植根于《联合国宪章》的共同理想。　

然而，过去两年来发生的各种事件使人们对这一共识产生了疑虑。

《宪章》第八十一条重申“联合国会员国受武力攻击时，在安全理事会采取必要办法，以维持国际和平及安全以前，行使自卫之自然权利”。而在当今时代，秘密的恐怖主义集团可能在没有任何警告的情况下发动武装攻击，这些集团也许持有大规模毁灭性武器，在这样一个时代，一些人对上述条款是否依然具有足够效力产生怀疑。

这些人辩解说，这些时候必须为了预防而使用武力，而在他们国家安全需要时，必须有权自由作出此种决定。

还有些人则认为，这种理论本身就是对国际和平与安全的严重威胁，因为这就意味着任何国家，只要自己认为合适，都有权动武，而不必考虑其他国家所关切的问题。然而，创立联合国恰恰是为了使人类免于遭受这种局面。

的确，《宪章》第一条规定，联合国的首要宗旨是“采取有效集体办法，防止且消除对和平之威胁”。

我们必须表现出联合国有能力履行这一宗旨，以使各国不必感到必须或有权利自行执法。

正是出于这一原因，我于去年请一个名人小组就如何在二十一世纪解决对和平与安全的威胁和挑战提出建议。我感到欣慰的是，一位充满智慧的中国政治家钱其琛先生同意参加该小组，再过几个星期小组的报告就可以提交了。

我希望小组的建议将有助于我们重新建立并改进我们的全球安全体系，这样，未来将没有任何一个国家会感到必须要单枪匹马地面对全球性威胁，而所有国家都会充满信心地认为其他国家将会遵守这些规则。

简言之，朋友们，要在这个新世纪里使世界变得安全，并赋予全世界所有居民以真正的机会，欣欣向荣，充实地生活，尚有许多工作要做。需要作出许多具有胆识的决定，而且时不我待。

明年九月，世界领导人将再一次在联合国聚集一堂，审查《千年宣言》以来有哪些进展，或缺乏进展，我希望，届时将会作出一些极为重要的决定。这将是世界在应对发展与安全这一双重全球性挑战方面实现突破的绝佳机遇。不过与五年前相比，任务将更加艰巨，这次领导人不是制订目标，而是为实现这些目标商定具体的决策。

要使191个国家就共同的前进道路达成协议，还需要在未来的一年进行许多讨论，在一国之内和各国之间都要开展辩论。各国政府必须共同努力，并且还要达成妥协，有时甚至要对宝贵的国家目标或国家利益忍痛作出牺牲。但要做到这点，就必须使本国人民懂得利害相关所在，赢得他们的坚定支持。

中国在发展方面有出色经验，在安全方面也独具专长，因此，可以为这一至关重要的全球性突破作出主导性贡献。

因此，我今天来到北京非常高兴，能够有机会不仅同贵国政府交谈，而且来到中国著名的学府，这个发明与创新思想的摇篮，与在座各位交谈。我刚刚谈到了各种挑战，包括保卫世界和平与安全，在不同信仰或文化的人民之间发展友好关系，实现千年发展目标等等，为应对这些全球性挑战，为实现发展，你们这些有教育的青年可以大有作为。

在中国，你们在富裕和贫困地区之间已经建立了十分发达的互助网络，而且我知道你们许多人将在毕业之后去贫困地区服务。我希望你们中的一些人也会考虑到世界的其他地方去服务，在那里，也许更加迫切的需要你们的技艺。

我鼓励你们全体，全中国各地的你们这一代人，立志求索，为解决贫穷、疾病及环境退化等我们这个世纪所面临的各种巨大挑战，寻求途径。我曾对美国的学生，对其他许多国家的学生说过，现在也对你们说：“走出去，把世界变得更美好！”

我说的时间已经够长了。现在该轮到你们了。如果你们有问题，我将尽力回答。不过我还希望你们作出评论，这样我可以向你们学习。

谢谢大家。