President Obama at U.N. General Assembly's 68th Session

奥巴马总统在联合国大会发表讲话

24 September 2013

2013.09.24

THE WHITE HOUSE

白宫

Office of the Press Secretary

新闻秘书办公室

September 24, 2013

2013年9月24日

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA

IN ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

奥巴马总统在联合国大会发表讲话

United Nations

联合国

New York, New York

纽约州纽约市

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Each year we come together to reaffirm the founding vision of this institution. For most of recorded history, individual aspirations were subject to the whims of tyrants and empires. Divisions of race and religion and tribe were settled through the sword and the clash of armies. The idea that nations and peoples could come together in peace to solve their disputes and advance a common prosperity seemed unimaginable.

奥巴马总统：主席先生，秘书长先生，各位代表，女士们先生们：我们每年都举行会议重申这个机构成立的宗旨。在有历史记载的大部分时期，个人的愿望往往受制于暴君和帝国肆意翻云覆雨的狂热。种族、宗教和部落的四分五裂通过刀光剑影和兵戎相见成为定局。似乎难以想象，国家和人民可以和平共处，解决相互间的分歧，一起促进共同繁荣。

It took the awful carnage of two world wars to shift our thinking. The leaders who built the United Nations were not na·ve; they did not think this body could eradicate all wars. But in the wake of millions dead and continents in rubble, and with the development of nuclear weapons that could annihilate a planet, they understood that humanity could not survive the course it was on. And so they gave us this institution, believing that it could allow us to resolve conflicts, enforce rules of behavior, and build habits of cooperation that would grow stronger over time.

我们的观念在经过两次世界大战的血腥历史后才得到改变。参与筹建联合国的各位领导人原来并没有抱任何幻想；他们不认为这个机构可以从此消灭所有的战争。但是，在数百万人丧生，各大洲成为一片瓦砾后，随着可以毁灭整个地球的核武器得到研发，他们懂得，如果在这条道路上走下去，人类就无法继续生存。为此，他们为我们创建了这个机构，相信有助于我们解决冲突，加强行为准则，建立可以长期巩固发展的合作模式。

For decades, the United Nations has in fact made a difference -- from helping to eradicate disease, to educating children, to brokering peace. But like every generation of leaders, we face new and profound challenges, and this body continues to be tested. The question is whether we possess the wisdom and the courage, as nation-states and members of an international community, to squarely meet those challenges; whether the United Nations can meet the tests of our time.

数十年来，联合国的确发挥了作用—例如为消灭疾病，教育儿童和斡旋和平做出了贡献。但是与过去每一代领导人一样，我们面临新的巨大挑战。这个机构继续需要接受考验。问题是，作为民族国家和国际社会成员，我们是否有智慧和勇气坚定地迎接这些挑战；联合国是否能经受我们时代的检验。

For much of my tenure as President, some of our most urgent challenges have revolved around an increasingly integrated global economy, and our efforts to recover from the worst economic crisis of our lifetime. Now, five years after the global economy collapsed, and thanks to coordinated efforts by the countries here today, jobs are being created, global financial systems have stabilized, and people are once again being lifted out of poverty. But this progress is fragile and unequal, and we still have work to do together to assure that our citizens can access the opportunities that they need to thrive in the 21st century.

在我担任总统的大部分时期，我们面临的一些最紧迫的挑战关系到日益一体化的全球经济，涉及我们努力从我们有生以来最严重的经济危机中复苏的工作。现在，全球经济受到重创5年后，由于今天与会各国相互协调，工作岗位正在增加，全球金融体系已经实现稳定，人们再一次逐步摆脱贫困。然而，已取得的进步仍然脆弱和不平衡。我们仍然必须共同努力，保证我们的公民们能够获得他们需要的机会在21世纪实现兴旺发达。

Together, we’ve also worked to end a decade of war. Five years ago, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in harm’s way, and the war in Iraq was the dominant issue in our relationship with the rest of the world. Today, all of our troops have left Iraq. Next year, an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of dismantling the core of al Qaeda that attacked us on 9/11.

我们还共同努力结束了经历10年之久的战争。5年前，近180,000美国人不避危难奔赴疆场，伊拉克的战争在我们与世界其他国家的关系中成为压倒一切的问题。今天，我国所有的军队已经撤离伊拉克。明年，在摧毁了对我们发动9/11袭击的“基地”组织核心力量后，国际联盟将结束在阿富汗的战争。

For the United States, these new circumstances have also meant shifting away from a perpetual war footing. Beyond bringing our troops home, we have limited the use of drones so they target only those who pose a continuing, imminent threat to the United States where capture is not feasible, and there is a near certainty of no civilian casualties. We’re transferring detainees to other countries and trying terrorists in courts of law, while working diligently to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And just as we reviewed how we deploy our extraordinary military capabilities in a way that lives up to our ideals, we’ve begun to review the way that we gather intelligence, so that we properly balance the legitimate security concerns of our citizens and allies with the privacy concerns that all people share.

对美国而言，这些新的情况已经意味着脱离常年征战的状态。除了撤回我国军队外，我们已限制无人机的使用，只在没有可能实施抓捕及基本上完全确定不会伤害平民的情况下用于抗击对美国构成的持续迫在眉睫的威胁。我们正在向其他国家引渡在押人员，在法庭审判恐怖主义分子，同时积极努力关闭关塔那摩湾的监狱。正如我们考虑如何部署我国非凡的军事力量才能符合我们的理念一样，我们已开始审议我们搜集情报的方式，从而可以使我们适当地平衡我国公民和盟友在安全方面的合理关注及所有的人共同的隐私问题。

As a result of this work, and cooperation with allies and partners, the world is more stable than it was five years ago. But even a glance at today’s headlines indicates that dangers remain. In Kenya, we’ve seen terrorists target innocent civilians in a crowded shopping mall, and our hearts go out to the families of those who have been affected. In Pakistan, nearly 100 people were recently killed by suicide bombers outside a church. In Iraq, killings and car bombs continue to be a terrible part of life. And meanwhile, al Qaeda has splintered into regional networks and militias, which doesn't give them the capacity at this point to carry out attacks like 9/11, but does pose serious threats to governments and diplomats, businesses and civilians all across the globe.

由于进行了这方面的工作以及与盟国和伙伴方的合作，全世界比5年前更稳定。但是只要浏览一些今天的新闻大标题就可以知道，危险依然存在。在肯尼亚，我们看到恐怖主义分子在拥挤的购物商场内对无辜平民下手。我们向遇袭人员的家人表示慰问。在巴基斯坦，最近有将近100人在教堂外被自杀式爆炸杀害。在伊拉克，杀人害命和汽车炸弹仍然是生活中常见的可怕景象。与此同时，“基地”组织已溃散成地区性乌合之众和散兵游勇，目前没有能力发动类似9/11的袭击，但是仍然对全球各地的政府及外交人员、工商业和平民构成严重威胁。

Just as significantly, the convulsions in the Middle East and North Africa have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended and people grapple with what comes next. Peaceful movements have too often been answered by violence -- from those resisting change and from extremists trying to hijack change. Sectarian conflict has reemerged. And the potential spread of weapons of mass destruction continues to cast a shadow over the pursuit of peace.

同样重要的是，在旧秩序被颠覆和人们需要把握随后出现的局面之际，中东和北非的动荡暴露了社会内部的严重分裂。和平运动往往遇到有人以暴力作出的回应 --来自那些抵制变革的人，来自企图劫持变革的极端主义分子。宗派冲突死灰复燃。大规模毁灭性武器可能扩散的阴影继续笼罩在争取和平事业的上空。

Nowhere have we seen these trends converge more powerfully than in Syria. There, peaceful protests against an authoritarian regime were met with repression and slaughter. In the face of such carnage, many retreated to their sectarian identity -- Alawite and Sunni; Christian and Kurd -- and the situation spiraled into civil war.

我们看到，这些趋势在叙利亚的汇聚比其他任何地方都强烈。在那里，反对专制政权的和平示威遭遇以镇压和屠杀做出的回应。面对如此血腥的大屠杀，很多人退守到宗教派系的旗帜下-- 阿拉维派和逊尼派、基督教和库尔德-- 局势急剧演变成国内战争。

The international community recognized the stakes early on, but our response has not matched the scale of the challenge. Aid cannot keep pace with the suffering of the wounded and displaced. A peace process is stillborn. America and others have worked to bolster the moderate opposition, but extremist groups have still taken root to exploit the crisis. Assad’s traditional allies have propped him up, citing principles of sovereignty to shield his regime. And on August 21st, the regime used chemical weapons in an attack that killed more than 1,000 people, including hundreds of children.

国际社会很早就认识到其中的利害关系，但是我们做出的反应未能达到应对挑战需要达到的规模。提供的援助未能达到为伤残者和流离失所者解除痛苦的程度。和平进程胎死腹中。美国和其他各方努力支持温和的反对派，但极端主义团伙仍然横行一方，利用危机趁火打劫。阿萨德得到传统盟国撑腰，以主权原则为借口希望保住自己政权。8月21日，该政权使用化学武器发动袭击，杀害了1,000多人，其中包括数百名儿童。

Now, the crisis in Syria, and the destabilization of the region, goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa -- conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them· How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, or embroiling ourselves in someone else’s civil war· What is the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct· What is the role of the United Nations and international law in meeting cries for justice·

目前，叙利亚的危机，以及该地区的不稳定在国际社会必须广泛应对的一系列挑战中居核心地位。我们应该如何对中东和北非的冲突作出反应-- 国家间的冲突，也包括各国内部的冲突？在儿童受到神经毒气的袭击的时候，我们应该何去何从，是麻木不仁，袖手旁观，还是卷入其他人的内战？为了解决威胁该地区稳定和破坏所有文明行为基本标准的各种纷争，武力扮演什么样的角色？为了响应正义的呼唤，联合国和国际法应发挥什么作用？

Today, I want to outline where the United States of America stands on these issues. With respect to Syria, we believe that as a starting point, the international community must enforce the ban on chemical weapons. When I stated my willingness to order a limited strike against the Assad regime in response to the brazen use of chemical weapons, I did not do so lightly. I did so because I believe it is in the security interest of the United States and in the interest of the world to meaningfully enforce a prohibition whose origins are older than the United Nations itself. The ban against the use of chemical weapons, even in war, has been agreed to by 98 percent of humanity. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocating in the trenches; Jews slaughtered in gas chambers; Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands.

今天，我想概述一下美利坚合众国在这些问题上的立场。关于叙利亚，我们认为，作为起点，国际社会必须实施化学武器禁令。当我表示，我愿下令对阿萨德政权实行有限打击，以此对肆无忌惮使用化学武器作出回应时，并非戏言。我这样做是因为我认为，对一项比联合国本身历史更长的禁令给予有意义的实施符合美国的安全利益，符合世界的利益。禁止使用化学武器——甚至包括在战争中——为人类98%所认同。对士兵在战壕中被窒息、犹太人在毒气室被屠杀、数以万计伊朗人被毒害的刻骨铭心的记忆，使这一禁令更加有力。

The evidence is overwhelming that the Assad regime used such weapons on August 21st. U.N. inspectors gave a clear accounting that advanced rockets fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. These rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighborhood, and landed in opposition neighborhoods. It’s an insult to human reason -- and to the legitimacy of this institution -- to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack.

有极其大量的证据显示阿萨德政权在8月21日使用了这类武器。联合国检查人员清楚地描述，高级火箭向平民发射了大量沙林毒气。这些火箭是从政府控制的地区发射，落在反对派所在地区。如果说不是该政权发动了这场攻击，那便是对人的理性——对这个机构的正规性——的侮辱。

Now, I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I’ve discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been a diplomatic resolution to this issue. And in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria’s chemical weapons under international control, and then to destroy them.

我知道，在攻击刚刚发生后，有些人质疑在没有安理会明确授权的情况实施即便是有限度的打击的合法性。但是，在没有确信的军事威胁时，安理会完全不曾表现出任何行动的意愿。然而，正如我同普京总统一年多以来——最近一次是在圣彼得堡——讨论过的，我始终愿意以外交方式解决这个问题。过去几周以来，美国、俄罗斯和我们的盟国达成一致，将叙利亚的化学武器置于国际控制之下，而后将其销毁。

The Syrian government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now there must be a strong Security Council resolution to verify that the Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so. If we cannot agree even on this, then it will show that the United Nations is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the 21st century, and that this body means what it says.

叙利亚政府迈出了第一步，提交了其库存清单。现在必须有一项强有力的安理会决议，以核实阿萨德政权是在遵守其承诺，而且如果他们未能这样做将面临后果。如果我们在这一点上都无法达成一致，那就说明联合国无力实施最基本的国际法。而如果我们达成一致，则将发出一个有力信息，即21世纪不容使用化学武器，而且本机构言行必果。

Agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action -- by those within Syria, or by external powers -- can achieve a lasting peace. Nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria; that is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who slaughtered his citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country. The notion that Syria can somehow return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy.

就化学武器达成一致应该给在叙利亚内部达成政治解决的更大外交努力注入活力。我不认为靠军事行动——无论是叙利亚境内还是外部力量——能够实现持久和平。我也不认为应由美国或任何国家决定将由什么人领导叙利亚；这要由叙利亚人民自行决定。然而，一个屠杀自己公民和用毒气杀害儿童的领导人不能重新合法领导一个四分五裂的国家。认为叙利亚好像可以回归战前常态的想法是幻想。

It’s time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Assad’s rule will lead directly to the outcome that they fear: an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of state institutions, and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears and concerns of Alawites and other minorities.

俄罗斯和伊朗现在应该认识到，坚持让阿萨德掌权将直接带来他们所担心的结果：一个让极端主义分子得以活动的日益暴力的空间。相应地，我们这些继续支持温和反对派的人必须说服他们，叙利亚人民无法承受国家机制的崩溃，如果不顾及阿拉维派和其他少数派的合理担忧和不安，就不会达成政治解决。

We are committed to working this political track. And as we pursue a settlement, let’s remember this is not a zero-sum endeavor. We’re no longer in a Cold War. There’s no Great Game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the wellbeing of its people, the stability of its neighbors, the elimination of chemical weapons, and ensuring that it does not become a safe haven for terrorists.

我们致力于在这条政治轨道上努力。在我们追求解决方案的同时，让我们切记，这不是一场零和博弈。我们已不再处于冷战状态。没有等待争夺的大博弈胜利；美国对叙利亚——除了对其人民的福祉、其邻国的稳定、以及消除化学武器从而确保那里将不会成为恐怖主义分子安身之地以外——毫无所图。

I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria’s civil war. And as we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations here to step up to meet humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to this effort, and today I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to rebuild their country, but it can help desperate people to survive.

我欢迎所有国家施加影响，帮助使叙利亚内战得到和平解决。随着我们将日内瓦进程向前推进，我敦促所有在座国家出来满足叙利亚及其周边国家的人道需要。美国已经为这一努力投入超过10亿美元，今天我可以宣布，我们将再提供3.4亿美元。没有任何援助能够取代让叙利亚人民有机会重建国家的政治解决，但是，援助可以让绝境中的人获得生机。

What broader conclusions can be drawn from America’s policy toward Syria· I know there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Assad, and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of American resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows we’ve learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. In this way, the situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades: the United States is chastised for meddling in the region, accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracy; at the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region’s problems and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations.

从美国对叙利亚的政策中可以得出什么样的更宏观的结论？我知道有些人对我们不情愿动用我们的军事威力推翻阿萨德感到沮丧，他们认为，未能这样做说明美国在这一地区的决心减弱。还有些人则认为，我有意下令进行哪怕是有限的军事打击以制止进一步使用化学武器说明我们完全没有汲取伊拉克的教训，美国是在继续出于自身利益谋求控制中东地区。就这点而言，叙利亚的局面映衬出这个地区几十年一直存在的自相矛盾：美国被斥责干涉这一地区，被指责插手各种阴谋；与此同时，美国被说成未能为解决这一地区的问题作出足够努力并对受苦受难的穆斯林人口漠不关心。

I realize some of this is inevitable, given America’s role in the world. But these contradictory attitudes have a practical impact on the American people’s support for our involvement in the region, and allow leaders in the region -- as well as the international community sometimes -- to avoid addressing difficult problems themselves.

我认识到，由于美国的世界地位，这里有些说法不可避免。但这些相互矛盾的态度给美国人民支持我们参与这一地区带来切实的影响，同时使这个地区——有时也包括国际社会——的领导人回避亲自解决棘手的问题。

So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been U.S. policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency.

因此，让我值此机会概括说明美国对中东和北非地区所采取的政策，以及我将在本届总统任期未来时间内采取的政策。

The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure our core interests in the region.

美利坚合众国随时准备运用我们的各种实力，包括军事力量，保障我们在这一地区的核心利益。

We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War.

我们将抗击针对我们的盟友和伙伴的外来进犯，就像我们在海湾战争中所做的那样。

We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends on the region’s energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy.

我们将确保能源从该地区向全世界自由流动。尽管美国正在稳步减轻我们对进口石油的依赖，但世界仍然要依靠该地区的能源供给，而一次严重的干扰将破坏整个全球经济的稳定。

We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations, and work to address the root causes of terror. But when it’s necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attack, we will take direct action.

我们将捣毁威胁我们的人民的恐怖主义网络。在任何可能的地方，我们都将建设我们的合作伙伴的能力，尊重各国的主权，并努力消除恐怖的根源。但在有必要保卫美国防范恐怖主义袭击时，我们将采取直接的行动。

And finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region, and undermine the global nonproliferation regime.

最后，我们绝不容忍发展或使用大规模毁灭性武器的行径。正如我们将在叙利亚使用化学武器视为对我们自身的国家安全的一种威胁，我们拒不接受发展核武器的行径，这种行径可能在该地区引发核军备竞赛，并破坏全球的防扩散制度。

Now, to say that these are America’s core interests is not to say that they are our only interests. We deeply believe it is in our interests to see a Middle East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous, and will continue to promote democracy and human rights and open markets, because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve these objectives through unilateral American action, particularly through military action. Iraq shows us that democracy cannot simply be imposed by force. Rather, these objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community and with the countries and peoples of the region.

不过，阐明这些都是美国的核心利益，并不是说它们是我们的唯一利益。我们深信，有一个和平、繁荣的中东和北非地区符合我们的利益，我们将继续提倡民主、人权和开放市场，因为我们相信这些举措能实现和平与繁荣。但我也相信，我们通过美国的单边行动，特别是军事行动，来实现上述目标的可能性甚小。伊拉克向我们表明，民主不能单凭武力强行实现。当我们与国际社会以及该地区的国家和人民合作时，上述目标才最有可能实现。

So what does this mean going forward· In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While these issues are not the cause of all the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace.

那么，这在向前推进的过程中意味着什么？在近期，美国的外交努力将集中在两个具体问题上：伊朗谋取核武器的问题以及阿拉伯和以色列之间的冲突。尽管这些问题不是造成该地区所有问题的原因，但它们作为不稳定的一个主要根源存在的时间太长了，解决它们有助于为实现更广泛的和平奠定基础。

The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs and of America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy and directly -- or through proxies -- taken American hostages, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction.

自1979年伊斯兰革命以来，美国和伊朗一直相互隔绝。这种不信任根深蒂固。长期以来，伊朗一直抱怨美国屡屡干预他们的事务并在冷战期间推翻伊朗政府的过程中发挥作用。而另一方面，美国人民看到伊朗政府宣布与美国为敌，并直接地——或者通过其代理——劫持美国人质，杀害美国军人和平民，还威胁要毁灭我们的盟国以色列。

I don’t believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight -- the suspicions run too deep. But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship, one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.

我不认为能在一夜之间克服这段困难重重的历史——猜疑太深了。但我确信，如果我们能解决伊朗的核项目问题，便将能迈出重大的一步，走上发展另一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基础的关系的漫长道路。

Since I took office, I’ve made it clear in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rouhani that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran’s nuclear program peacefully, although we are determined to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and U.N. Security Council resolutions.

我就任总统之后，曾写信向伊朗最高领袖表明，并于近期向鲁哈尼总统表明，尽管我们决意制止伊朗发展核武器，但美国更希望以和平方式解决我们对伊朗核项目的关切。我们不寻求政权更替，而且我们尊重伊朗人民和平利用核能的权利。但我们坚决要求伊朗政府履行《不扩散核武器条约》所规定的责任以及联合国安理会的各项决议。

Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.

与此同时，伊朗最高领袖已发布反对发展核武器的宗教公告，而且鲁哈尼总统刚刚重申了伊朗伊斯兰共和国永远不会发展核武器。

So these statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful. But to succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it's the Iranian government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. And this is not simply an issue between the United States and Iran. The world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future.

因此，我们各自的政府发表的这些声明应当为达成一项有实质意义的协议奠定基础。我们应当能够达成一个尊重伊朗人民的权利，同时让全世界对伊朗项目的和平性质感到放心的解决方案。但为了取得成功，和解的言词还必须有相应的透明的、可核实的行动。归根结底，是伊朗政府作出的选择才导致了目前正在实施的全面制裁措施。而且这不仅仅是美国与伊朗之间的一个问题。全世界都看到了伊朗过去曾经逃避责任，并始终关注着确保伊朗今后履行其各项义务。

But I want to be clear we are encouraged that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. And given President Rouhani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government in close cooperation with the European Union -- the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China.

但我要阐明，鲁哈尼总统已受命于伊朗人民要推行一条更温和的路线，这令我们受到鼓舞。鉴于鲁哈尼总统已公开阐明致力于达成一项协议，我指示约翰·克里同伊朗政府共同推进这项努力，并与欧盟密切合作——与英国、法国、德国以及俄罗斯和中国。

The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential -- in commerce and culture; in science and education.

事实可能会证明这条道路上的障碍太过巨大，但我坚信必须试一试外交途径。因为维持现状只会加深伊朗的孤立，而伊朗走上另一条道路的真正承诺将惠及该地区和全世界，并将帮助伊朗人民发挥他们卓越的潜力——在商贸和文化范畴以及科学和教育领域。

We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran, and that is the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I’ve made it clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible. And I believe there’s a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and where we unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.

我们还致力于解决比我们同伊朗之间的分歧还要久远的冲突，那就是巴勒斯坦人和以色列人之间的冲突。我已阐明，美国绝不会在我们对以色列安全的承诺上以及我们对以色列作为一个犹太国家而存在的支持上妥协让步。今年早些时候，在耶路撒冷，一些年轻的以色列人坚持相信和平是必要的、公正的、可能的，他们让我深受鼓舞。而且我相信，在以色列国内有越来越多的人认识到占据西岸地区正在损害这个犹太国家的民主结构。但以色列的子民有权生活在这样一个世界中：即在这个机构中集会的各国完全承认他们的国家，而且我们毫不含糊地驳斥那些向他们的家园发射火箭或煽动其他人憎恨他们的人。

Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and incredible potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and they’re frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. But they too recognize that two states is the only real path to peace -- because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay.

同样地，美国依然致力于巴勒斯坦人民有权在自己的主权国家内过上安全的、有尊严的生活的信念。在同一次访问中，我曾有机会与拉马拉的年轻的巴勒斯坦人见面，他们的抱负及惊人的潜力与他们因在国家共同体中没有稳固的一席之地而感到的痛苦相伴。他们认为永远不会取得真正进展的悲观怀疑的态度是可以理解的，他们还因自己的家人每天都要忍受被占领的屈辱而心灰意冷。但他们也认识到两国并存是通往和平的唯一的真正途径——因为正如巴勒斯坦人绝不应当流离失所，以色列国也定将长期存在。

So the time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace. Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem.

因此，时机业已成熟，整个国际社会均应支持寻求和平。以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人已经表现出承担重大政治风险的意愿。阿巴斯主席已将试图走捷径实现和平的做法搁置一边，并回到谈判桌前。内塔尼亚胡总理已释放巴勒斯坦囚犯，并重申他对一个巴勒斯坦国的承诺。目前的会谈着重于边界和安全、难民和耶路撒冷的最终地位问题。

So now the rest of us must be willing to take risks as well. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state, and we should say so clearly. Arab states, and those who supported the Palestinians, must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution and a secure Israel.

现在，我们其他各方也必须愿意承担风险。包括美国在内的以色列的朋友们必须认识到，以色列作为一个犹太国家和民主国家的安全取决于能否建立一个巴勒斯坦国，我们应当清楚地表明这一点。阿拉伯国家以及支持巴勒斯坦人的各方必须认识到，只有通过一个两国解决方案并有一个安全的以色列，才能实现稳定。

All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists throughout the region, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. And moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let’s emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice. Let’s support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace.

我们所有人都必须认识到，和平将是击败整个地区的极端主义分子并激励那些准备建设更美好未来的人的有力手段。此外，在该地区有太多的年轻人因没有工作而生活困苦的时候，以色列人与阿拉伯人之间的贸易和商业纽带可以成为增长和机遇的引擎。因此，让我们走出由来已久的指责和偏见的死角吧。让我们支持以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人，他们已准备好踏上实现和平的艰难道路。

Real breakthroughs on these two issues -- Iran’s nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace -- would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it’s clear that all of us have a lot more work to do.

在这两个问题上——伊朗核问题以及以巴和平问题——取得真正的突破将对整个中东和北非地区产生深远和积极的影响。但是，由阿拉伯之春而起的目前的动乱局势提醒我们，一个公正和持久的和平不能仅由国家之间达成的协议来衡量，还必须以我们解决冲突并在各个国家内促进正义的能力来衡量。而在这一方面，很明显，我们所有各方都有大量工作要做。

When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States -- like others -- was struck by the speed of transition, and although we did not -- and in fact could not -- dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. And we did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful.

当和平过渡在突尼斯和埃及开始之时，整个世界都充满了希望。尽管美国——和其他国家一样——对转变的速度赶到惊讶，尽管我们没有——事实上也无法——决定事态，但我们选择了支持那些呼吁改变的人。我们这么做所基于的信念是，尽管这些转变困难重重、耗费时日，但建立在民主、开放和个人尊严的基础之上的社会最终将更加稳定、更加繁荣、更加和平。

Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we’ve seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohamed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it, too, has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy -- through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press and civil society and opposition parties.

在过去几年里，特别是在埃及，我们看到这一过渡有多么困难。穆罕默德·穆尔西是民主选举选出来的，但事实证明他不愿或不能以全面包容的方式实行治理。取代他的临时政府回应了数百万认为这场革命已误入歧途的埃及人的愿望，但这个政府也作出了与包容性民主不符的决定——实行《紧急状态法》并对新闻界、公民社会和反对派施加限制。

Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal of power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides. Our overriding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights and the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society.

当然，美国受到了这场内部冲突中所有各方的攻击，他们同时指责美国支持穆斯林兄弟会以及策划剥夺其权力。事实上，美国一直有意地避免支持任何一方。在过去的这几年里，我们最重要的利益始终在于鼓励一个以合法方式反映埃及人民意愿的政府，认识到真正的民主必须尊重少数派的权利和法治、言论和集会自由，并拥有一个强大的公民社会。

That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counterterrorism. We’ll continue support in areas like education that directly benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a more democratic path.

今天，这依然是我们的利益所在。因此，在向前推进的过程中，美国将与增进《戴维营协议》和反恐怖主义等核心利益的临时政府保持建设性的关系。我们将继续在教育等直接惠及埃及人民的领域提供支持。但是，我们没有交付特定的军事系统，而且我们的支持将取决于埃及在寻求更加民主的道路上所取得的进展。

And our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: The United States will at times work with governments that do not meet, at least in our view, the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. Nevertheless, we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

我们对埃及的方针反映了更重要的一点：美国有时会与至少在我们看来没有达到最高国际期望，但在我们的核心利益上与我们共同努力的政府展开合作。尽管如此，我们不会停止坚持主张与我们的理念一致的原则，无论这意味着反对将暴力作为压制异见的手段，还是支持《世界人权宣言》所体现的原则。

We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World. We believe they are the birthright of every person. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited, although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and although we will at times be accused of hypocrisy and inconsistency, we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation.

我们将驳斥认为这些原则只不过是西方的舶来品，不适用于伊斯兰教或阿拉伯世界的观点。我们相信，这些是每个人与生俱来的权利。虽然我们认识到有时我们的影响力有限，尽管我们将谨防通过军事力量强力推行民主的做法，尽管我们有时被指责为虚伪、言行不一，但我们仍将长期在这个地区参与接触，因为打造自由和民主的艰苦努力是整个一代人的使命。

And this includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Bahrain and Syria. We understand such longstanding issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we’ve seen grinding conflicts come to an end before -- most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world. And so we believe those same sectarian conflicts can be overcome in the Middle East and North Africa.

这包括努力解决在伊拉克、巴林和叙利亚等地不断出现的宗派紧张关系。我们懂得，这种由来已久的问题无法由外来人解决；它们必须由穆斯林社区自己处理。但是，我们过去看到过激烈的冲突走向终结——最近的例子是北爱尔兰，在那里，天主教徒和新教徒最终认识到，无休止的冲突循环导致这两个社区被快速发展的世界甩在了后头。因此我们相信，中东和北非那些同样的宗派冲突是可以克服的。

To summarize, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn’t borne out by America’s current policy or by public opinion. Indeed, as recent debates within the United States over Syria clearly show, the danger for the world is not an America that is too eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries or to take on every problem in the region as its own. The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war -- rightly concerned about issues back home, aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim world -- may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill.

总而言之，在谈到我们决定别国内部事件的能力时，美国有一种来之不易的谦卑。美国帝国这一概念也许是有用的宣传，但它没有出现在美国当前的政策或公众舆论中。确实，如最近在美国国内关于叙利亚问题的辩论明确显示的那样，世界的危险不是由于美国太急于陷入别国的事务，或者将该地区的每一个问题都当作自己的问题。世界的危险是，美国在经历了10年战争后——理所当然地关心国内的问题，认识到我们在该地区的参与在整个穆斯林世界所产生的敌意——可能从中脱身，造成一个任何别国尚不能填补的领导真空。

I believe such disengagement would be a mistake. I believe America must remain engaged for our own security. But I also believe the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe America is exceptional -- in part because we have shown a willingness through the sacrifice of blood and treasure to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interests, but for the interests of all.

我认为这种脱身会是个错误。我认为美国为了我们自身的安全必须保持接触。但我也认为这样做对世界更有利。有些人可能不同意，但我认为美国是独特的——部分原因是，我们展现了我们愿意通过献出自己的鲜血和财富挺身而出，不仅仅是为了狭隘的自身利益，而且为了所有人的利益。

I must be honest, though. We're far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us, that invest in their people instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute -- men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia, from Africa to the Americas, nations that have persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab world.

但我也必须实话实说。我们更有可能在那些愿意和我们合作的国家投入我们的精力，那些投资于人民而不是少数腐败者；那些致力于这样一个社会愿景的国家，即人人都能作贡献——男人和妇女，什叶派或逊尼派穆斯林，基督教徒或犹太人。因为从欧洲到亚洲，从非洲到美洲，那些坚持走民主之路的国家变得更繁荣、更和平，更致力于维持我们共同的安全和我们共同的人性。我相信，阿拉伯世界也会同样如此。

This leads me to a final point. There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, the violence against civilians so substantial that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states. And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing -- places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from their national institutions.

由此引到我要谈的最后一点。将会有这样的时候，社会的崩溃如此巨大，针对平民的暴力如此严重，国际社会被呼吁采取行动。这将要求有新的思维并作出某种非常艰难的选择。虽然联合国的目的是防止国家之间的战争，但我们日益面临防止国家内部屠杀的挑战。当我们面对那些脆弱或失败的国家时，这些挑战变得越发明显——在那些地方，骇人听闻的暴力将无辜的男女和儿童置于危险之中，没有希望得到国家机构的保护。

I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights. But we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back al Qaeda, and the African forces who are keeping the peace. In Eastern Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power.

我已经表明，即使当美国的核心利益没有受到直接威胁时，我们也严阵以待，尽我们的责任防止大规模屠杀并保护基本人权。但是我们不能也不应该独自承担这一责任。在马里，我们支持了法国的干预，成功击退“基地”组织，也支持了维和的非洲部队。在东非，我们正在同合作伙伴携手消灭圣主抵抗军。在利比亚，当安理会授权保护平民时，美国加入联盟采取了行动。由于我们在那里的作为，无数生命得到拯救，一个暴君再也不能用屠杀夺回权力。

I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to the problems that the country now confronts -- a democratically elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land. And so these critics argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail -- look at Libya. No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens -- a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Qaddafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission· It’s far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed.

我知道，现在有些人将利比亚的行动作为实物教育加以批评。他们指出该国现在面临的问题——民主选举的政府难以提供安全；武装团体，在有些地方是极端主义分子，统治着一个四分五裂的国家的某些地区。因此，这些批评人士说，任何保护平民的干预都注定要失败——看看利比亚。没有人比我更警觉这些问题，因为它们造成4名致力于利比亚人民福祉的杰出美国公民的死亡，包括克里斯·史蒂文斯大使——他富于勇气的作为帮助拯救了班加西市。但是，任何人是否真的认为，如果让卡扎菲任意杀戮、囚禁或用残暴手段制服人民，利比亚的局势会更好？如果没有国际行动，更有可能出现的情况是，利比亚现在会陷入内战和流血之中。

We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica· If that’s the world that people want to live in, they should say so and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.

我们生活在一个不存在完美选择的世界。不同的国家不可能每一次都对是否需要采取行动达成一致，同时主权原则是现行国际秩序的核心。但是，主权不能成为暴君恣意杀人的挡箭牌，也不能成为国际社会视若无睹的借口。虽然我们需要保持谨慎，不可认为我们能纠正所有的邪恶；虽然我们需要切记，这个世界处处可见始料未及的结果，但面对卢旺达或者斯雷布雷尼察出现的情景，难道我们真的应该接受全世界无能为力的看法吗？如果这就是人们希望生活的世界，那么他们就应该直言不讳并接受万人坑冷酷的逻辑。

But I believe we can embrace a different future. And if we don’t want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better -- all of us -- at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order. Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals. Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules. Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, not merely its aftermath. Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. And yes, sometimes -- although this will not be enough -- there are going to be moments where the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occurring.

但是我相信，我们能拥有一个不同的未来。如果我们不想在无所作为和战争之间进行选择，我们——我们所有的人——必须改进防止基本秩序崩溃的政策。通过尊重国家的责任和个人权利。通过有意义地制裁违反规则的人。通过坚持不懈的外交解决冲突的根源，不仅仅只考虑冲突的后果。通过为被边缘化的人带去希望的发展援助。不可否认，有时——尽管这并不够——将会出现这样的时刻，国际社会需要承认，可能有必要为防止出现最坏的局面使用多边武力。

Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks -- one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution and where we all take responsibility. A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kinds of wars that our forefathers fought. A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus.

最终，这是美国寻求的国际社会——各国不再觊觎他国的土地或资源；我们继承这个机构的创建宗旨，共同承担责任。在这样的世界上，因考虑到战争的恐怖而建立的规则有助于我们和平解决冲突，并防范我们的前辈所经历过的战争。在这样的世界上，人类能有尊严地生活，基本需求得到满足，不论居住在纽约还是在内罗毕；不论在白沙瓦还是在大马士革。

These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth today can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. And America is with them, partnering to feed the hungry and care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid.

这样的时代是非凡的时代，可以提供卓越的机遇。由于人类的进步，如今在地球上任何地方出生的儿童能做的事情，60年前绝大多数人类还不可能做到。我在非洲看到这种情形，那里已经结束冲突的国家现已准备腾飞。美国与他们站在一起，共同向饥饿的人提供食品，向病人提供护理，并向没有电网覆盖的地区提供电力。

I see it across the Pacific region, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, and combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That’s what’s happening in Asia and Africa. It’s happening in Europe and across the Americas. That’s the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve as well -- one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they’ll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe.

我在整个亚太地区看到这种情形，几亿人在一代人的时间内摆脱了贫困。我在各地年轻人的脸上看到这种情形，他们点击一个键就全知天下事，他们渴望投身于消灭极端贫困的事业中去，同气候变化作斗争，开创企业，拓展自由，并抛弃以往意识形态的争斗。这就是亚洲和非洲正在发生的事情。这也是欧洲和整个美洲正在发生的事情。这也是中东和北非人民应有的前途——他们可以专注于机会，不再担心是否会因为自己的身份或信仰被杀害或受到压迫。

Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change -- to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose our better history. Last month, I stood where 50 years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring· Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it·

世界各国和人民一次又一次展示了我们实现变革的能力——追随人类的最高理念，选择我们更美好的历史道路。上个月，我站在50年前马丁·路德·金向美国人民宣告自己梦想的地方。当年我这个种族的许多人甚至不能投票选举总统。今年早些时候，我站在纳尔逊·曼德拉忍受与他的人民和世界隔绝几十年的小牢房。当我们看到人类精神带来的种种变化时，还有谁会相信今天的挑战不能被战胜在今天这个会议大厅里，谁会说未来属于那些试图压制这种精神的人而不是要求解放这种精神的人？

I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on. We're ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you -- firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity and inalienable rights that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. And that’s why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous and just world to the next generation.

我知道我希望美利坚合众国站在历史的哪一边。我们已经准备好与你们一起迎接明天的挑战——我们坚信，所有的男男女女确实生来平等，人人应享有尊严和不可剥夺的权利。这就是为什么我满怀希望而不是心存恐惧展望未来。这就是为什么我们坚信，国际社会能为下一代提供一个更和平、繁荣和正义的世界。

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

非常感谢大家。（掌声）

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