The conventional wisdom about our world today is that this is a time of terrible decline.
关于当今世界，传统观点认为：这是一个急剧衰退的时代。
And that's not surprising, given the bad news all around us,
考虑到我们身边无处不在的坏消息，而这也并不令人奇怪，
from ISIS to inequality, political dysfunction, climate change, Brexit, and on and on.
从伊斯兰国到不平等、政治机能失调、气候变化、英国脱欧等等等等。
But here's the thing, and this may sound a little weird.
但我是这么想的，而我的想法可能听起来有些奇怪。
I actually don't buy this gloomy narrative, and I don't think you should either.
我对那些沮丧的观点并不买帐，并且我希望你们也一样。
Look, it's not that I don't see the problems. I read the same headlines that you do.
并不是说我没有看到那些问题，我也跟你们看一样的头条。
What I dispute is the conclusion that so many people draw from them,
我所质疑的是很多人从这些头条中得出的结论，
namely that we're all screwed because the problems are unsolvable and our governments are useless.
即我们把一切都搞砸了，因为这些问题都无解，而我们的政府又没有用。
Now, why do I say this? It's not like I'm particularly optimistic by nature.
那么我为什么要说些呢？并不是说我生性特别的乐观。
But something about the media's constant doom-mongering with its fixation on problems and not on answers has always really bugged me.
而是媒体的那种不断地执拗于问题、而不是解决之道的悲观论调一直困扰着我。
So a few years ago I decided, well, I'm a journalist, I should see if I can do any better by going around the world
因此几年前我决定，嗯，既然我是一名记者，那么我应该看看是否可以通过周游世界，
and actually asking folks if and how they've tackled their big economic and political challenges.
并问问各地的人们，他们是否并且是如何解决他们所面临的大的经济和政治挑战的。
And what I found astonished me. It turns out that there are remarkable signs of progress out there,
而我的发现震惊了我。原来已经有了很多显著的进步的迹象，
often in the most unexpected places, and they've convinced me that our great global challenges may not be so unsolvable after all.
并且经常是在那些出人意料的地方，而这也使我确信我们面临的那些重大全球挑战也许并不是那么的完全无解。
Not only are there theoretical fixes; those fixes have been tried.
这里不仅仅有理论上的修复，这些修复已经被投入试验。
They've worked. And they offer hope for the rest of us.
并且它们是起作用的。这也为我们其他人提供了希望。
I'm going to show you what I mean by telling you about how three of the countries I visited
接下来，我将会展示我所要表达的意思，通过讲述这三个我访问过的国家
Canada, Indonesia and Mexico -- overcame three supposedly impossible problems.
加拿大、印度尼西亚和墨西哥--是如何战胜那些理应无法解决的问题的。
Their stories matter because they contain tools the rest of us can use,
他们的故事很重要，因为中间包含着可以为我们所用的工，
and not just for those particular problems, but for many others, too.
不仅仅是对于那些特定的问题，而且对于多数的其它问题也一样。
When most people think about my homeland, Canada, today, if they think about Canada at all,
如今，当大多数人想到我的祖国加拿大，如果他们真的想到加拿大的话，
they think cold, they think boring, they think polite.
他们会想到寒冷、会想到无聊、会想到礼貌。
They think we say "sorry" too much in our funny accents. And that's all true. Sorry.
他们还会想到我们用滑稽的口音不停的说“不好意思”。而这些也都是真的。不好意思。
But Canada's also important because of its triumph over a problem currently tearing many other countries apart: immigration.
但是加拿大也是很重要的，因为它战胜了一个目前正在撕裂其它许多国家的问题：移民。
Consider, Canada today is among the world's most welcoming nations, even compared to other immigration-friendly countries.
想想看，当今的加拿大是世界上最热情好客的国家之一，即使跟其它的移民友好型国家相比也毫不逊色。
Its per capita immigration rate is four times higher than France's,
它的人均移民率比法国要高四倍，
and its percentage of foreign-born residents is double that of Sweden.
而它的外国出生居民的比例是瑞典的两倍。
Meanwhile, Canada admitted 10 times more Syrian refugees in the last year than did the United States.
同时，加拿大去年接收的叙利亚难民比美国要多十倍。
And now Canada is taking even more. And yet, if you ask Canadians what makes them proudest of their country,
并且现在加拿大正在接收更多的难民。如果你问加拿大人，他们的国家最让他们感到骄傲的是什么，
they rank "multiculturalism," a dirty word in most places, second, ahead of hockey. Hockey.
他们会将“多元文化”这个在很多地方都带有贬义的词语排在第二位，领先于曲棍球。曲棍球。
In other words, at a time when other countries are now frantically building new barriers to keep foreigners out,
换句话说，当其它国家都在疯狂地建造新的障碍阻挡外国人时，
Canadians want even more of them in. Now, here's the really interesting part.
加拿大人却想要引进更多的外国人。然而真正有趣的是，
Canada wasn't always like this. Until the mid-1960s, Canada followed an explicitly racist immigration policy.
加拿大也不是一开始就这样的。直到1960年代中期，加拿大都奉行着一个明显带有种族歧视的移民政策。
They called it "White Canada," and as you can see, they were not just talking about the snow.
他们称之为“白色加拿大”，而如你所知，他们并不是在谈论冰雪。
So how did that Canada become today's Canada?
那么彼时的加拿大是如何变成今日的加拿大的呢？
Well, despite what my mom in Ontario will tell you, the answer had nothing to do with virtue.
嗯，不管我住在安大略省的妈妈会如何跟你说，但我想说的是这个答案跟美德没有半点关系。
Canadians are not inherently better than anyone else.
加拿大人并不是天生的就比其他人心要好。
The real explanation involves the man who became Canada's leader in 1968, Pierre Trudeau,
真正的答案涉及到那个在1968年成为加拿大领导人的男人，皮埃尔·特鲁多，
who is also the father of the current prime minister.
他也是加拿大现任总理的父亲。
The thing to know about that first Trudeau is that he was very different from Canada's previous leaders.
关于老特鲁多我们需要了解的是，他跟加拿大之前的领导都不一样。
He was a French speaker in a country long-dominated by its English elite.
在一个长期被说英语的精英统治的国家，他却是说法语的。
He was an intellectual. He was even kind of groovy.
他是一个知识分子。他也是那种时髦的人。
I mean, seriously, the guy did yoga. He hung out with the Beatles.
我是说真的，他还练瑜伽。他跟披头士们一起玩。
And like all hipsters, he could be infuriating at times.
跟所有的潮人一样，他有时候也会愤怒。
But he nevertheless pulled off one of the most progressive transformations any country has ever seen.
然而他却开启了一个在任何国家都没见过的激进的转变。
His formula, I've learned, involved two parts.
他的公式，我了解到，包含两个方面。
First, Canada threw out its old race-based immigration rules,
首先，加拿大抛弃原有的基于种族的移民法规，
and it replaced them with new color-blind ones that emphasized education, experience and language skills instead.
代之以新的无肤色歧视的法规，转而强调教育、经验和语言技能。
And what that did was greatly increase the odds that newcomers would contribute to the economy.
而这就极大的提高了新移民对经济做出贡献的可能性。
Then part two, Trudeau created the world's first policy of official multiculturalism
另一方面，特鲁多创造出了世界上第一个官方的多元文化主义政策，
to promote integration and the idea that diversity was the key to Canada's identity.
以促进融合，并且多样性是加拿大形象的关键部分。
Now, in the years that followed, Ottawa kept pushing this message,
从那以后到现在，渥太华一直在传递这个信息，
but at the same time, ordinary Canadians soon started to see the economic, the material benefits of multiculturalism all around them.
与此同时，普通的加拿大人很快开始见到，多元文化主义带来的经济上和物质上的利益无处不在。
And these two influences soon combined to create the passionately open-minded Canada of today.
而这两方面的影响很快结合在一起，创造出了今天这个非常开明的加拿大。
Let's now turn to another country and an even tougher problem, Islamic extremism.
现在我们转向另一个国家和一个更困难的问题，伊斯兰极端主义。
In 1998, the people of Indonesia took to the streets and overthrew their longtime dictator, Suharto.
1998年，印度尼西亚人民走上街头，推翻了长期的独裁者苏哈托。
It was an amazing moment, but it was also a scary one.
那是一个令人激动的时刻，但也是一个可怕的时刻。
With 250 million people, Indonesia is the largest Muslim-majority country on Earth.
拥有2.5亿人口的印尼，是地球上最大的以穆斯林为主的国家。
It's also hot, huge and unruly, made up of 17,000 islands, where people speak close to a thousand languages.
它还很热、很大并且难以管理，由17000个岛屿组成，全国人民说着将近1000种不同的语言。
Now, Suharto had been a dictator, and a nasty one.
苏哈托是一个独裁者，并且是一个很令人厌恶的独裁者。
But he'd also been a pretty effective tyrant, and he'd always been careful to keep religion out of politics.
但他也是一个很实在的暴君，他一直小心的不让宗教渗入到政治中来。
So experts feared that without him keeping a lid on things, the country would explode,
因此专家还担心，如果没有他控制局面，这个国家有可能分崩离析，
or religious extremists would take over and turn Indonesia into a tropical version of Iran.
或者宗教极端主义者可能掌管这个国家，并将印尼变成热带地区的伊朗。
And that's just what seemed to happen at first.
一开始事情似乎是朝着那个方向发展的。
In the country's first free elections, in 1999, Islamist parties scored 36 percent of the vote,
1999年，在这个国家举行的第一次自由选举中，伊斯兰政党得到了36%的选票，
and the islands burned as riots and terror attacks killed thousands.
这些岛屿开始战火不断，骚乱和恐怖袭击导致数以千计的民众死亡。
Since then, however, Indonesia has taken a surprising turn.
然而，从那以后，印尼却发生了出人意料的转变。
While ordinary folks have grown more pious on a personal level
从个人层面上来说，普通民众变得更加虔诚了，
I saw a lot more headscarves on a recent visit than I would have a decade ago
我最近一次访问见到的戴头巾的民众要比十年前更多了，
the country's politics have moved in the opposite direction.
这个国家的政治却走向了一个相反的方向。
Indonesia is now a pretty decent democracy.
印尼现在是一个相当民主的国家。
And yet, its Islamist parties have steadily lost support, from a high of about 38 percent in 2004 down to 25 percent in 2014.
而它的伊斯兰政党正在持续地失去支持，从2004年高达38%的支持率降至2014年的25%。
As for terrorism, it's now extremely rare. And while a few Indonesians have recently joined ISIS,
而恐怖主义现在也非常之少了，虽然最近还是有些印尼人加入伊斯兰国，
their number is tiny, far fewer in per capita terms than the number of Belgians.
但他们的数量是非常少的，按人均来计算比比利时要少得多。
Try to think of one other Muslim-majority country that can say all those same things.
想想看还有哪个以穆斯林为主的国家能够做到这些。
In 2014, I went to Indonesia to ask its current president, a soft-spoken technocrat named Joko Widodo,
2014年，我到印尼去采访了现任总统，一个说话温柔的专家型官员，叫做佐科·维多多，
"Why is Indonesia thriving when so many other Muslim states are dying?"
“为什么在其它众多穆斯林国家走向衰退时，印尼却能保持繁荣？”
"Well, what we realized," he told me, "is that to deal with extremism, we needed to deal with inequality first."
“嗯，我们意识到，”他告诉我，“要想打击恐怖主义，我们首先需要消除不平等。”
See, Indonesia's religious parties, like similar parties elsewhere,
瞧，印尼的宗教政党像其它类似的政党一样，
had tended to focus on things like reducing poverty and cutting corruption.
趋向于聚焦在减少贫困和腐败的问题上。
So that's what Joko and his predecessors did too, thereby stealing the Islamists' thunder.
佐科和他的前任们做的另一件事，就是降低伊斯兰主义的影响。
They also cracked down hard on terrorism, but Indonesia's democrats have learned a key lesson from the dark years of dictatorship,
他们还强力打击了恐怖主义，但是印尼的民主人士从独裁统治的黑暗岁月里也学到了一个很重要的教训，
namely that repression only creates more extremism. So they waged their war with extraordinary delicacy.
即压制只会造就更多的恐怖主义。因此他们非常精密地发动了他们的战争。
They used the police instead of the army.
他们使用警察而不是军队。
They only detained suspects if they had enough evidence. They held public trials.
他们只在有足够证据的情况下才拘留嫌犯。他们实行公开审判。
They even sent liberal imams into the jails to persuade the jihadists that terror is un-Islamic.
他们甚至还派开明的阿訇去监狱劝说圣战主义者，告诉他们恐怖活动是反伊斯兰的。
And all of this paid off in spectacular fashion, creating the kind of country that was unimaginable 20 years ago.
所有的这些获得了巨大的回报，创造了一个20年前无法想象得到的国家。

So at this point, my optimism should, I hope, be starting to make a bit more sense.
因此在这一点上，我的乐观应该，我希望，开始变得更加有意义了。
Neither immigration nor Islamic extremism are impossible to deal with. Join me now on one last trip, this time to Mexico.
移民问题和伊斯兰恐怖主义都不是不可能解决的。现在跟我来看看最后的这个例子，这一次我们转向墨西哥。
Now, of our three stories, this one probably surprised me the most,
在所有三个故事中，这一个可能是最令我惊讶的，
since as you all know, the country is still struggling with so many problems.
正如你们所知，这个国家仍然在跟很多问题做斗争。
And yet, a few years ago, Mexico did something that many other countries from France to India to the United States can still only dream of.
然而，几年前墨西哥做了一件很多其它国家，从法国、印度到美国，现在仍然只能梦想的事情。
It shattered the political paralysis that had gripped it for years.
那就是它打破了困扰了好多年的政治僵局。
To understand how, we need to rewind to the year 2000, when Mexico finally became a democracy.
要想理解的它是怎样做到的，我们需要倒回到2000年，那时墨西哥终于成为了一个民主国家。
Rather than use their new freedoms to fight for reform, Mexico's politicians used them to fight one another.
墨西哥的政客们不是利用新获得的自由去推动改革，而是利用它们去互相攻击。
Congress deadlocked, and the country's problems -- drugs, poverty, crime, corruption -- spun out of control.
国会陷入僵持，而这个国家面临的问题--毒品、贫困、犯罪、腐败--都失去了控制。
Things got so bad that in 2008, the Pentagon warned that Mexico risked collapse.
到了2008年，情况已经变得非常糟糕了，五角大楼警告说墨西哥有崩溃的风险。
Then in 2012, this guy named Enrique Pena Nieto somehow got himself elected president.
然后到了2012的年，这个叫做恩里克·培尼亚·涅托的家伙，不知怎么的选上了总统。
Now, this Pena hardly inspired much confidence at first.
这个培尼亚一开始就艰难地激发了人们的自信心。
Sure, he was handsome, but he came from Mexico's corrupt old ruling party, the PRI, and he was a notorious womanizer.
当然，他很帅，他来自墨西哥腐败的旧执政党，革命制度党，并且是一个臭名昭著的花花公子。
In fact, he seemed like such a pretty boy lightweight that women called him "bombón," sweetie, at campaign rallies.
事实上，他看起来完全像是一个无足轻重的小人物，在竞选集会上妇女们叫他夹心巧克力，亲爱的。
And yet this same bombón soon surprised everyone by hammering out a truce between the country's three warring political parties.
而就是这个夹心巧克力，很快就通过让这个国家三个互相争斗的政党达成休战协议而令人刮目相看。
And over the next 18 months, they together passed an incredibly comprehensive set of reforms.
接下来的18个月，他们一起通过了一系列令人难以置信的全面的改革方案。
They busted open Mexico's smothering monopolies. They liberalized its rusting energy sector.
他们破除了墨西哥令人窒息的垄断。他们放宽了对已经生锈的能源领域的限制。
They restructured its failing schools, and much more. To appreciate the scale of this accomplishment,
他们重整了那些不合格的学校，等等。要想领会这些成就的份量，
try to imagine the US Congress passing immigration reform, campaign finance reform and banking reform.
那么试着去想像一下美国国会通过移民改革方案，竞选经费改革以及银行改革方案。
Now, try to imagine Congress doing it all at the same time. That's what Mexico did.
现在，再想像一下国会同时讨论并通过这三个方案。这就是墨西哥所做到的。
Not long ago, I met with Pena and asked how he managed it all.
不久前，我见到了培尼亚并问他是如何做到的。
The President flashed me his famous twinkly smile, and told me that the short answer was "compromiso," compromise.
这位总统用他那有名的微笑回应了我，然后给了我一个简短的答案：妥协。
Of course, I pushed him for details, and the long answer that came out was essentially "compromise, compromise and more compromise."
当然，我追问了细节，然后长一点的答案基本上就是：妥协、妥协、更多的妥协。
See, Pena knew that he needed to build trust early, so he started talking to the opposition just days after his election.
培尼亚知道，他需要尽早建立起信任，所以当选几天后他就开始与反对派对话。
To ward off pressure from special interests, he kept their meetings small and secret,
为了避免来自特殊利益集团的压力，他们举行小型和秘密的会谈，
and many of the participants later told me that it was this intimacy, plus a lot of shared tequila, that helped build confidence.
许多参会者后来告诉我，这些会谈显得很亲密，再加上大家共享了很多龙舌兰酒，使得大家都建立起了信心。
So did the fact that all decisions had to be unanimous,
事实上所有的决定都要达成一致意见，
and that Pena even agreed to pass some of the other party's priorities before his own.
培亚尼甚至同意让一些其它政党想要优先达成的议案先于自己的议案通过。
As Santiago Creel, an opposition senator, put it to me,
正如反对派议会圣地亚哥·克里尔所说，
"Look, I'm not saying that I'm special or that anyone is special, but that group, that was special."
“我不是说我很特别或者其他作何人很特别，而是这个团队很特别。”
The proof? When Pena was sworn in, the pact held, and Mexico moved forward for the first time in years. Bueno.
证据呢？当培尼亚宣誓就职时，协议也签订了，而墨西哥也在这么多年来第一次朝前发展。非常好。
So now we've seen how these three countries overcame three of their great challenges.
现在我们看过了这三个国家是如何克服他们面临的三个巨大挑战的。
And that's very nice for them, right? But what good does it do the rest of us?
很为他们感到高兴，是吗？那么这对我们来说又有什么好处呢？
Well, in the course of studying these and a bunch of other success stories,
在研究这些故事以及其它成功的故事的过程中，
like the way Rwanda pulled itself back together after civil war or Brazil has reduced inequality,
比如说卢旺达如何在内战后重新团结起来，或者巴西是怎样减少不平等的，
or South Korea has kept its economy growing faster and for longer than any other country on Earth, I've noticed a few common threads.
又或者韩国如何保持经济长期高速地增长，还有其它一些国家的故事。我注意到了一些共同点。
Now, before describing them, I need to add a caveat. I realize, of course, that all countries are unique.
在我讲述它们之前，我想先说明一下。我注意到，当然，每个国家都是独一无二的。
So you can't simply take what worked in one, port it to another and expect it to work there too.
所以你不能简单地把对某个国家有用的东西，放到另一个国家，然后期待它也能产生效果。
Nor do specific solutions work forever. You've got to adapt them as circumstances change.
没有哪个特定的方案是一直有效的。你得根据环境去调配它们。
That said, by stripping these stories to their essence, you absolutely can distill a few common tools for problem-solving
也就是说，只要剥开故事的表象看到本质，你就能从中提取一些解决问题的通用工具，
that will work in other countries and in boardrooms and in all sorts of other contexts, too.
并且可以使用在其它的国家，使用在会议当中，以及其它的方方面面。
Number one, embrace the extreme. In all the stories we've just looked at, salvation came at a moment of existential peril.
首先，接受极端。在所有我们刚刚看到的故事中，拯救都发生在危机中的某一时刻。
And that was no coincidence. Take Canada: when Trudeau took office, he faced two looming dangers.
这绝非巧合。就加拿大而言，当特鲁多就任时，面临两大潜在的危险。
First, though his vast, underpopulated country badly needed more bodies,
首先，尽管他这个地广人稀的国家非常需要更多的劳动力，
its preferred source for white workers, Europe, had just stopped exporting them as it finally recovered from World War II.
但它首选的白人劳动力来源地欧洲，却随着自身从二战中恢复过来而停止了劳动力的出口。
The other problem was that Canada's long cold war between its French and its English communities had just become a hot one.
另一个问题是，加拿大国内的法语群体和英语群体之间的长期冷战也变成了热战。
Quebec was threatening to secede, and Canadians were actually killing other Canadians over politics.
魁北克威胁着要独立，并且加拿大人在政治上互相伤害。
Now, countries face crises all the time. Right? That's nothing special.
国家总是面临危机，对吧？这没什么特别的。
But Trudeau's genius was to realize that Canada's crisis had swept away all the hurdles that usually block reform.
但是特鲁多的天才之处是意识到，加拿大的危机正好扫清了阻碍改革的所有障碍。
Canada had to open up. It had no choice. And it had to rethink its identity. Again, it had no choice.
加拿大需要开放。对此它别无选择。并且它需要重新思考自己的国家形象。而这也是别无选择的。
And that gave Trudeau a once-in-a-generation opportunity to break the old rules and write new ones.
这就给了特鲁多一个千载难逢的机会，去打破旧规则并书写新规则。
And like all our other heroes, he was smart enough to seize it.
像所有其他的英雄一样，他聪明地抓住了机会。
Number two, there's power in promiscuous thinking.
第二，胡思乱想的力量。
Another striking similarity among good problem-solvers is that they're all pragmatists.
另一个好的问题解决者的显著相似点，是他们都是实用主义者。
They'll steal the best answers from wherever they find them,
他们会窃取最好的答案，不管这答案来自哪里，
and they don't let details like party or ideology or sentimentality get in their way.
并且他们不会让诸如政党，意识形态或情感之类的细节来挡道。
As I mentioned earlier, Indonesia's democrats were clever enough to steal many of the Islamists' best campaign promises for themselves.
正如我之前提到的，印尼的民主主义者非常聪明地窃取了很多伊斯兰主义的竞选承诺来为已所用。
They even invited some of the radicals into their governing coalition.
他们甚至邀请了一些激进派进入到执政联盟。
Now, that horrified a lot of secular Indonesians.
这一举动吓坏了很多世俗的印尼人。
But by forcing the radicals to actually help govern, it quickly exposed the fact that they weren't any good at the job,
但是通过迫使这些激进派去真正的帮助治理国家，迅速地暴露出他们根本不能胜任这些工作的事实，
and it got them mixed up in all of the grubby compromises and petty humiliations that are part of everyday politics.
并且他们与那些肮脏的妥协混淆不清，而卑微是日常政治生活的一部分。
And that hurt their image so badly that they've never recovered.
这些使得他们的形象遭受重创，直到现在都没翻过身来。
Number three, please all of the people some of the time.
第三，有时候需要取悦所有的人。
I know I just mentioned how crises can grant leaders extraordinary freedoms.
我知道我刚刚提到过，危机能够给领导人提供非凡的自由。
And that's true, but problem-solving often requires more than just boldness.
那是事实，但是解决问题通常不仅仅需要勇敢。
It takes showing restraint, too, just when that's the last thing you want to do.
当碰到你不愿意去做的事时，还要表现出克制。
Take Trudeau: when he took office, he could easily have put his core constituency, that is Canada's French community, first.
以特鲁多为例：当他就任时，他可以轻易地把自己的核心支持者，也就是加拿大的法语群体放在优先的位置。
He could have pleased some of the people all of the time.
他可以一直取悦这一部分人。
And Pena could have used his power to keep attacking the opposition, as was traditional in Mexico.
而培尼亚也可以用他的权力去继续攻击反对派，就像之前的墨西哥传统政坛一样。
Yet he chose to embrace his enemies instead, while forcing his own party to compromise.
但是他选择了拥抱自己的敌人，同进迫使他所在的政党去妥协。
And Trudeau pushed everyone to stop thinking in tribal terms and to see multiculturalism,
特鲁多促使大家都不再去想部落，并且去考虑用多元文化主义，
not language and not skin color, as what made them quintessentially Canadian.
而不是语言和肤色，去作为典型加拿大人的标志。
Nobody got everything they wanted, but everyone got just enough that the bargains held.
没有人得到了自己想要的一切，但每一个人通过讨价还价都得到了满足。
So at this point you may be thinking, "OK, Tepperman, if the fixes really are out there like you keep insisting,
所以此时此刻你可能在想，“好吧，特普曼，如果这些修复像你所坚持的那样真的存在，
then why aren't more countries already using them?"
那么为什么没有更多的国家使用它们？”
It's not like they require special powers to pull off.
不是说它们需要什么特别的力量去实现。
I mean, none of the leaders we've just looked at were superheroes.
我是说，我们刚才所说的几位领导人没有一个是超级英雄。
They didn't accomplish anything on their own, and they all had plenty of flaws.
他们个人并没有达成什么成就，他们都有一大堆的缺点。
Take Indonesia's first democratic president, Abdurrahman Wahid.
就说印尼的第一位民选总统阿卜杜勒拉赫曼·瓦希德。
This man was so powerfully uncharismatic that he once fell asleep in the middle of his own speech.
这么一个魅力强大的人，有一次竟然在自己的演讲中睡着了。
True story. So what this tells us is that the real obstacle is not ability, and it's not circumstances.
这是真事。这个故事告诉我们真正的障碍不是能力，不是环境。
It's something much simpler. Making big changes involves taking big risks, and taking big risks is scary.
是一些更简单的东西。要做大的改变就要承担大的风险，而承担大的风险是很可怕的。
Overcoming that fear requires guts, and as you all know, gutsy politicians are painfully rare.
克服那种恐惧需要勇气，而正如你所知，勇敢的政治家少之又少。
But that doesn't mean we voters can't demand courage from our political leaders.
但那并不意味着我们这些选民不能要求我们的政治领导人拿出勇气来。
I mean, that's why we put them in office in the first place.
我的意思是，那正是当初我们选他们的原因。
And given the state of the world today, there's really no other option.
考虑到当今世界的现状，我们真的没有其它的选择。
The answers are out there, but now it's up to us to elect more women and men brave enough to find them,
答案就在那，现在就靠我们去选出更多有足够勇气的女人和男人去找到它们，
to steal them and to make them work. Thank you.
窃取它们，并使它们为我所用。谢谢。