There are times when I feel really quite ashamed to be a European.
有些时候，身为一个欧洲人，我感到非常羞愧。
In the last year, more than a million people arrived in Europe in need of our help, and our response, frankly, has been pathetic.
在去年，超过一百万人到达欧洲，需要我们的帮助，而我们的反应呢，坦白说，是很可悲的。
There are just so many contradictions.
这里有太多矛盾之处。
We mourn the tragic death of two-year-old Alan Kurdi, and yet, since then,
我们哀悼两岁男童艾伦·科迪的惨死，然而，从那之后，
more than 200 children have subsequently drowned in the Mediterranean.
超过两百个孩子接连溺亡于地中海。
We have international treaties that recognize that refugees are a shared responsibility,
我们有国际公约，承认接收难民是各国共同承担的责任，
and yet we accept that tiny Lebanon hosts more Syrians than the whole of Europe combined.
然而我们却接受面积狭小的黎巴嫩接收的叙利亚人比整个欧洲接收的数量还要多。
We lament the existence of human smugglers, and yet we make that the only viable route to seek asylum in Europe.
我们痛斥人口走私的存在，然而我们却使它成为在欧洲寻求庇护的唯一可行之路。
We have labor shortages, and yet we exclude people who fit our economic and demographic needs from coming to Europe.
我们劳动力短缺，然而我们却阻止那些能满足我们经济和人口建设需求的人们进入欧洲。
We proclaim our liberal values in opposition to fundamentalist Islam,
我们声称，我们自由主义的价值观与伊斯兰原旨派所奉行的相反，
and yet -- we have repressive policies that detain child asylum seekers,
然而-- 我们用高压政策扣押儿童避难寻求者，
that separate children from their families, and that seize property from refugees.
使孩子与他们的家庭分离，强行没收难民财产。
What are we doing? How has the situation come to this, that we've adopted such an inhumane response to a humanitarian crisis?
我们在做什么？情况是如何发展到这般地步的，我们正在以一种不人道的方式应对一场人道主义危机。
I don't believe it's because people don't care, or at least I don't want to believe it's because people don't care.
我不相信是因为人们不关心，至少，我不愿相信如此。
I believe it's because our politicians lack a vision,
我认为这是由于我们的政治家们缺乏远见，
a vision for how to adapt an international refugee system created over 50 years ago for a changing and globalized world.
缺乏如何适应五十年前提出的，为了应对一个不断变化和全球化的国际难民体系。
And so what I want to do is take a step back and ask two really fundamental questions, the two questions we all need to ask.
所以我想做的是，退后一步，提出两个非常基本的问题，这是我们都必须了解的问题。
First, why is the current system not working? And second, what can we do to fix it?
首先，为什么现有的体系不起作用？其次，我们如何修复它？
So the modern refugee regime was created in the aftermath of the Second World War by these guys.
现代难民体系是由这些人在二战后制定的。
Its basic aim is to ensure that when a state fails, or worse, turns against its own people,
它的初衷是为了确保当某个国家崩溃或者更糟，政权与该国人民敌对，
people have somewhere to go, to live in safety and dignity until they can go home.
这些人民可以有地方去投奔，在那里安全而有尊严地生活，直到他们可以回到家乡。
It was created precisely for situations like the situation we see in Syria today.
这恰恰与我们今天在叙利亚看到的情况一样。
Through an international convention signed by 147 governments, the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees,
通过由147个政府共同签署的国际会议，1951年关于难民地位的公约，
and an international organization, UNHCR, states committed to reciprocally admit people onto their territory who flee conflict and persecution.
以及一个国际组织联合国难民署，UNHCR，承诺在成员国相互之间，允许别国人进入其领土，逃离战乱纷争和迫害。
But today, that system is failing. In theory, refugees have a right to seek asylum.
但现在，这个体系正在崩溃。理论上，难民有权寻求庇护。
In practice, our immigration policies block the path to safety.
现实中，我们的移民政策阻挡了这条通向安全的道路。
In theory, refugees have a right to a pathway to integration, or return to the country they've come from.
理论上，难民有权寻求平等对待，或有权选择回到他们的祖国。
But in practice, they get stuck in almost indefinite limbo.
但实际操作中，他们被困于一种几乎是无限期的停滞状态。
In theory, refugees are a shared global responsibility.
理论上，难民问题是各国均担的责任。
In practice, geography means that countries proximate the conflict take the overwhelming majority of the world's refugees.
实际中，地理位置意味着临近纷争的国家超负荷地接收绝大部分难民。
The system isn't broken because the rules are wrong.
原有的难民体系的规定并不是导致其崩溃的原因。
It's that we're not applying them adequately to a changing world, and that's what we need to reconsider.
而是我们并没有随着世界的变化而足够运用，那是我们需要重新考虑的。
So I want to explain to you a little bit about how the current system works. How does the refugee regime actually work?
因此我希望向你们解释一下现今的系统是如何工作的。现在的难民接收体系是怎样运转的？
But not from a top-down institutional perspective, rather from the perspective of a refugee.
但这不是从上而下的宏观角度，而是从难民个体的角度。
So imagine a Syrian woman. Let's call her Amira. And Amira to me represents many of the people I've met in the region.
所以想象一个叙利亚女人。我们暂且称她为阿米拉。阿米拉代表着我在该地区遇见的诸多难民。
Amira, like around 25 percent of the world's refugees, is a woman with children,
阿米拉，如同世界上约四分之一的难民一样，是一个带着孩子的女人，
and she can't go home because she comes from this city that you see before you,
她没法回家，因为她的城市，
Homs, a once beautiful and historic city now under rubble. And so Amira can't go back there.
你现在看到的霍姆斯市，曾经美丽而富历史气息的城市，现在满目疮痍。因此阿米拉没法回去。
But Amira also has no hope of resettlement to a third country,
阿米拉也同时没有希望去第三国重新定居，
because that's a lottery ticket only available to less than one percent of the world's refugees.
因为那就像中彩票，世界上只有不到百分之一的难民才可能获得。
So Amira and her family face an almost impossible choice. They have three basic options.
所以阿米拉和她的家人面对一个几乎不可能的选择。他们有三个基本的选项。
The first option is that Amira can take her family to a camp.
第一个是阿米拉可以带着她的家人去难民营。
In the camp, she might get assistance, but there are very few prospects for Amira and her family.
在难民营，她可能会得到帮助，但对于阿米拉和她的家人，前景非常渺茫。
Camps are in bleak, arid locations, often in the desert.
营地位于荒凉贫瘠之地，通常是沙漠之中，
In the Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan, you can hear the shells across the border in Syria at nighttime.
在约旦的扎塔利那民营，你可以在夜间听到跨越叙利亚国境线的炮弹声。
There's restricted economic activity. Education is often of poor quality.
那里的经济活动受限。教育质量通常很低。
And around the world, some 80 percent of refugees who are in camps have to stay for at least five years.
而且在全世界，约有百分之八十左右在难民营的难民，不得不在待在那里至少五年的时间。
It's a miserable existence, and that's probably why, in reality, only nine percent of Syrians choose that option.
这是悲惨的地方，这也可能解释了为什么在现实中仅有百分之九的叙利亚人选择了这个选项。
Alternatively, Amira can head to an urban area in a neighboring country, like Amman or Beirut.
或者，阿米拉可以前往城市，邻国的某个城市区域，比如安曼或贝鲁特。
That's an option that about 75 percent of Syrian refugees have taken.
百分之七十五的叙利亚难民选择这个选项。
But there, there's great difficulty as well. Refugees in such urban areas don't usually have the right to work.
但即使在那里也是困难重重。城市内的难民通常没有工作的权利。
They don't usually get significant access to assistance.
他们通常没有获得援助的渠道。
And so when Amira and her family have used up their basic savings, they're left with very little and likely to face urban destitution.
所以当阿米拉和她的家庭用光了基本储蓄后，他们所剩无几，很可能面对贫困。
So there's a third alternative, and it's one that increasing numbers of Syrians are taking.
还有第三个选项被越来越多的叙利亚人选择。
Amira can seek some hope for her family by risking their lives on a dangerous and perilous journey to another country,
阿米拉可以为她的家庭寻求希望，踏上一条可能葬送生命的危险旅程，到另一个国家去，
and it's that which we're seeing in Europe today.
这就是我们今天在欧洲看到的情形。
Around the world, we present refugees with an almost impossible choice between three options:
全球范围内，我们留给难民在这三种选项中一个几乎不可能的选择：
encampment, urban destitution and dangerous journeys.
难民营，城市贫困和危险的旅程。
For refugees, that choice is the global refugee regime today.
对于难民来说，这个选择就是现今的全球难民体制。
But I think it's a false choice. I think we can reconsider that choice.
但我觉得这是一个错误的选择。我认为我们可以重新审议这个选择。
The reason why we limit those options is because we think that those are the only options that are available to refugees, and they're not.
我们限制了这些选项的原因，是我们认为，这些是难民能得到的仅有选项，但事实上不是。
Politicians frame the issue as a zero-sum issue, that if we benefit refugees, we're imposing costs on citizens.
政客们把它塑造成一个得失所系的问题，如果难民得益，那公民就需要承担损失。
We tend to have a collective assumption that refugees are an inevitable cost or burden to society.
我们似乎认同一个假设，难民对社会不可避免的负担和花费。
But they don't have to. They can contribute.
但这不是定式。难民可以做出贡献。
So what I want to argue is there are ways in which we can expand that choice set and still benefit everyone else:
所以我想证明的是，我们有办法增加那个选项，而且仍使所有人受益：
the host states and communities, our societies and refugees themselves.
包括接收国和社区，我们的社会以及难民自己。
And I want to suggest four ways we can transform the paradigm of how we think about refugees.
我想提出四种途径，来转变我们对难民的既定想法。
All four ways have one thing in common: they're all ways in which we take the opportunities of globalization,
这四种途径有一个共同点：我们都利用了全球化、
mobility and markets, and update the way we think about the refugee issue.
社会流动性和市场的契机，更新了我们对难民问题的认知。
The first one I want to think about is the idea of enabling environments,
我想首先考虑的是创造环境这一概念，
and it starts from a very basic recognition that refugees are human beings like everyone else,
这来自于一个最基本的认知，难民同所有其他人一样，
but they're just in extraordinary circumstances.
只是他们处在特定环境中。
Together with my colleagues in Oxford, we've embarked on a research project in Uganda looking at the economic lives of refugees.
我和牛津大学的同事们在乌干达开始了一个研究项目，研究难民的经济生活。
We chose Uganda not because it's representative of all host countries. It's not. It's exceptional.
我们选择乌干达，并不因为它是接收国中的典型代表。它恰恰是一个例外。
Unlike most host countries around the world, what Uganda has done is give refugees economic opportunity.
不像世界上大部分的东道国，乌干达所做的是给予难民经济上的机会。
It gives them the right to work. It gives them freedom of movement.
给他们工作的权利。给他们行动自由。

And the results of that are extraordinary both for refugees and the host community.
这带来的结果是惊人的，无论是对难民还是接收国来说。
In the capital city, Kampala, we found that 21 percent of refugees own a business that employs other people,
在乌干达首都坎帕拉，我们发现百分之二十一的难民开公司经营自己的生意并雇用他人，
and 40 percent of those employees are nationals of the host country.
百分之四十的受雇者是东道国的国民。
In other words, refugees are making jobs for citizens of the host country.
换句话说，难民在为东道国公民创造就业。
Even in the camps, we found extraordinary examples of vibrant, flourishing and entrepreneurial businesses.
即使是在难民营，我们也找到了有活力的、繁荣的创业企业的例子。
For example, in a settlement called Nakivale, we found examples of Congolese refugees running digital music exchange businesses.
打个比方，在一个被称为纳基瓦莱的难民营中，我们找到了刚果难民经营交易数字音乐的生意。
We found a Rwandan who runs a business that's available to allow the youth to play computer games on recycled games consoles and recycled televisions.
我们找到了卢旺达难民的生意，让年轻人可以在回收的操纵台和显示屏上玩电脑游戏。
Against the odds of extreme constraint, refugees are innovating,
冲破极端的约束，难民们在不断创新，
and the gentleman you see before you is a Congolese guy called Demou-Kay.
你们面前的是一个叫达蒙-凯的刚果人。
Demou-Kay arrived in the settlement with very little, but he wanted to be a filmmaker.
他到达难民营的时候身无长物，但他想成为电影制作人。
So with friends and colleagues, he started a community radio station, he rented a video camera, and he's now making films.
所以他与朋友和同事一起创办了一个社区广播站，他租了一个摄像机，他现在在制作电影。
He made two documentary films with and for our team, and he's making a successful business out of very little.
他已经拍摄了两部纪录片，和我们团队，也为了我们团队，并且他从无几的资源起步，拥有了成功的事业。
It's those kinds of examples that should guide our response to refugees.
恰恰是这种例子，应该主导我们对难民的反应。
Rather than seeing refugees as inevitably dependent upon humanitarian assistance,
与其认为难民不可避免地依赖人道援助，
we need to provide them with opportunities for human flourishing.
我们需要给他们提供机会来实现人类繁荣。
Yes, clothes, blankets, shelter, food are all important in the emergency phase, but we need to also look beyond that.
没错，衣服、毯子、避难所、食物，在应急阶段都是非常重要的，但是我们必须也要有长远的思考。
We need to provide opportunities to connectivity, electricity, education, the right to work, access to capital and banking.
我们需要提供网络连接、电力、教育、工作的权利、资金和商业渠道。
All the ways in which we take for granted that we are plugged in to the global economy can and should apply to refugees.
所有我们视为理所当然的进入全球经济的途径，能够并且应该提供给难民。
The second idea I want to discuss is economic zones.
我想讨论的第二个想法是经济区。
Unfortunately, not every host country in the world takes the approach Uganda has taken.
不幸的是，并不是世界上所有的东道国都采用了乌干达的政策。
Most host countries don't open up their economies to refugees in the same way.
大部分东道国的经济都不对难民开放。
But there are still pragmatic alternative options that we can use.
但是我们仍有实效的替代选择。
Last April, I traveled to Jordan with my colleague, the development economist Paul Collier,
去年四月，我和我的同事，发展经济学家保罗·科里亚一起前往约旦，
and we brainstormed an idea while we were there with the international community and the government,
我们在那里讨论了一个想法，同国际社会和当地政府一起。
an idea to bring jobs to Syrians while supporting Jordan's national development strategy.
这个想法就是给叙利亚人带来就业，同时推动约旦的国家发展战略。
The idea is for an economic zone,
这个想法是建立一个经济区，
one in which we could potentially integrate the employment of refugees alongside the employment of Jordanian host nationals.
在经济区里，我们可以把难民的就业和东道国约旦的国民就业结合起来。
And just 15 minutes away from the Zaatari refugee camp, home to 83,000 refugees,
扎塔利难民营外仅15分钟的车程，此处安置了83000名难民，
is an existing economic zone called the King Hussein Bin Talal Development Area.
就是一个现行的经济区，被称为侯赛因国王开发区。
The government has spent over a hundred million dollars connecting it to the electricity grid, connecting it to the road network,
政府投入了超过一亿美金来连接输电网和道路，
but it lacked two things: access to labor and inward investment.
但是还缺少两个东西：劳动力和外来投资。
So what if refugees were able to work there rather than being stuck in camps,
所以假使难民能够在那里工作，而不是被困在难民营里，
able to support their families and develop skills through vocational training before they go back to Syria?
在返回叙利亚前能够负担家计，并通过职业训练来培养技能，那将会怎么样呢？
We recognized that that could benefit Jordan,
我们认识到这样做有益于约旦，
whose development strategy requires it to make the leap as a middle income country to manufacturing.
作为一个中等收入的国家，它的国家发展战略要求升级制造业。
It could benefit refugees, but it could also contribute to the postconflict reconstruction of Syria
这样做使难民受益，同时也有助于叙利亚的战后重建，
by recognizing that we need to incubate refugees as the best source of eventually rebuilding Syria.
通过认识到我们需要培养难民来作为最终重建叙利亚的最好资源。
We published the idea in the journal Foreign Affairs. King Abdullah has picked up on the idea.
我们将这个观点发表在《国外事务》期刊上。约旦国王阿卜杜拉也采纳这个想法。
It was announced at the London Syria Conference two weeks ago, and a pilot will begin in the summer.
两星期前在伦敦叙利亚会议上宣布的试点项目，会在今年夏天开始实施。
The third idea that I want to put to you is preference matching between states and refugees
我想展示的第三个想法，是国家和难民之间的偏好匹配，
to lead to the kinds of happy outcomes you see here in the selfie featuring Angela Merkel and a Syrian refugee.
为了达到这幅自拍中的这种满意结局，照片上是德国首相默克尔和一名叙利亚难民。
What we rarely do is ask refugees what they want, where they want to go,
我们很少询问难民他们想要什么，或是他们想去那里，
but I'd argue we can do that and still make everyone better off.
但是我主张可以这样做，同时让所有人都受益。
The economist Alvin Roth has developed the idea of matching markets,
经济学家艾文·罗斯创造了配对市场的概念，
ways in which the preference ranking of the parties shapes an eventual match.
也就是双方的偏好顺序决定了最终的匹配。
My colleagues Will Jones and Alex Teytelboym have explored ways in which that idea could be applied to refugees,
我的同事威尔·琼斯和埃里克斯·泰特博因，研究了如何应用这个概念来解决难民问题，
to ask refugees to rank their preferred destinations,
他们要求难民将偏好的国家排序，
but also allow states to rank the types of refugees they want on skills criteria or language criteria and allow those to match.
但同时允许国家将想要接收的难民种类排序，基于技能或是语言的标准，最后将两种排序匹配。
Now, of course you'd need to build in quotas on things like diversity and vulnerability,
当然，你需要在多样性和脆弱性这些方面建立配额，
but it's a way of increasing the possibilities of matching.
但这是一种能提高配对可能性的方法。
The matching idea has been successfully used to match, for instance, students with university places,
这种配对理念已经成功应用于，比方说，配对学生和大学，
to match kidney donors with patients, and it underlies the kind of algorithms that exist on dating websites.
配对肾捐献者和病患，它也突出了交友网站中的运算法则的重要性。
So why not apply that to give refugees greater choice?
所以为什么不应用它来给难民更好的选择呢？
It could also be used at the national level, where one of the great challenges we face is to persuade local communities to accept refugees.
这同样可应用于国家层面，在这个层面，我们面对的最大问题是说服地方社区接纳难民。
And at the moment, in my country, for instance, we often send engineers to rural areas and farmers to the cities, which makes no sense at all.
目前，以我的国家为例，我们经常把工程师送到偏远地区，把农民送进城市，完全没有道理。
So matching markets offer a potential way to bring those preferences together
所以匹配市场提供了一种潜在的方式来匹配这些偏好，
and listen to the needs and demands of the populations that host and the refugees themselves.
并且反映了接收国人民以及难民的需要和要求。
The fourth idea I want to put to you is of humanitarian visas.
我的第四个想法是人道主义签证。
Much of the tragedy and chaos we've seen in Europe was entirely avoidable.
我们在欧洲看到的大多悲剧和混乱是完全可以避免的。
It stems from a fundamental contradiction in Europe's asylum policy, which is the following:
这起源于欧洲避难政策的一个根本矛盾之处，如下：
that in order to seek asylum in Europe, you have to arrive spontaneously by embarking on those dangerous journeys that I described.
为了在欧洲寻求避难，你必须要自行到达欧洲，经过一段我之前描述的危险的旅程。
But why should those journeys be necessary in an era of the budget airline and modern consular capabilities?
但是在一个存在廉价航空和领事馆的时代，为什么这些旅程是必要的？
They're completely unnecessary journeys, and last year, they led to the deaths of over 3,000 people on Europe's borders and within European territory.
这些都是完全不必要的旅程，去年，这在欧洲边界和欧洲境内导致了超过三千人的死亡。
If refugees were simply allowed to travel directly and seek asylum in Europe, we would avoid that,
如果难民可以直接前往欧洲并寻求庇护，我们就可以避免这些死亡，
and there's a way of doing that through something called a humanitarian visa,
这通过人道主义签证的确可以实现，
that allows people to collect a visa at an embassy or a consulate in a neighboring country
这允许人们在邻近国家的大使馆或领事馆领取签证，
and then simply pay their own way through a ferry or a flight to Europe.
然后自己买单，通过邮轮或者飞机到达欧洲。
It costs around a thousand euros to take a smuggler from Turkey to the Greek islands.
将一个偷渡者从土耳其带到希腊群岛，这要花费大约一千欧元。
It costs 200 euros to take a budget airline from Bodrum to Frankfurt.
坐廉价航空从土耳其的博德鲁姆飞到德国的法兰克福市，只需要二百欧元。
If we allowed refugees to do that, it would have major advantages.
如果我们允许他们这样做，那就会带来极大的成果。
It would save lives, it would undercut the entire market for smugglers,
这会拯救生命，根除非法偷渡的市场，
and it would remove the chaos we see from Europe's front line in areas like the Greek islands.
消除我们在欧洲边缘--像希腊群岛这样的地区，看到的混乱。
It's politics that prevents us doing that rather than a rational solution.
阻止我们实施这个方案的原因是政治，而不是理性的解决方案。
And this is an idea that has been applied.
并且这是一个已经被应用的想法。
Brazil has adopted a pioneering approach where over 2,000 Syrians have been able to get humanitarian visas,
巴西首先采用了这种政策，超过2000名叙利亚人获得了人道主义签证，
enter Brazil, and claim refugee status on arrival in Brazil.
进入巴西，并在入境时获得申请难民身份。
And in that scheme, every Syrian who has gone through it has received refugee status and been recognized as a genuine refugee.
在那个计划中，每个叙利亚人都获得了难民身份，并确认是真正难民。
There is a historical precedent for it as well.
也有一个历史先例。
Between 1922 and 1942, these Nansen passports were used as travel documents to allow 450,000 Assyrians,
在1922年和1942年之间，这些南森护照作为出入境文件，允许450000名亚述人、
Turks and Chechens to travel across Europe and claim refugee status elsewhere in Europe.
土耳其人和车臣人穿越欧洲，并在欧洲其他地方申请难民身份。
And the Nansen International Refugee Office received the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of this being a viable strategy.
南森国际难民署荣获了诺贝尔和平奖，表彰这一可行的对策。
So all four of these ideas that I've presented you are ways in which we can expand Amira's choice set.
所以我展示给你们的四个想法，都是我们可以增加阿米拉选项的方式。
They're ways in which we can have greater choice for refugees beyond those basic,
让难民可以有更好的选择，而不仅限于三个基本的、
impossible three options I explained to you and still leave others better off.
不可能的选项，如我之前所说的，并且仍然使所有人受益。
In conclusion, we really need a new vision,
总的来说，我们需要全新的视角，
a vision that enlarges the choices of refugees but recognizes that they don't have to be a burden.
来增加难民的选择，同时认识到他们并不一定是社会的负担。
There's nothing inevitable about refugees being a cost. Yes, they are a humanitarian responsibility,
难民成为花费并不是定式。的确，难民是我们的人道主义责任，
but they're human beings with skills, talents, aspirations, with the ability to make contributions -- if we let them.
但是他们也是拥有技能、才华和志向的人类，有贡献社会的能力--如果我们允许。
In the new world, migration is not going to go away. What we've seen in Europe will be with us for many years.
在一个新的世界里，迁徙并不会消失。我们在欧洲看到的景象在许多年内会一直存在。
People will continue to travel, they'll continue to be displaced,
人们会不断迁徙，人们仍会背井离乡，
and we need to find rational, realistic ways of managing this -- not based on the old logics of humanitarian assistance,
我们需要找到一种理性现实的方法来管理--并不基于人道主义援助的旧的逻辑，
not based on logics of charity, but building on the opportunities offered by globalization, markets and mobility.
不是基于慈善的逻辑，而是基于全球化、市场和流动性带来的机遇。
I'd urge you all to wake up and urge our politicians to wake up to this challenge. Thank you very much.
我希望大家都认识到这点，我恳请我们的政府官员能够迎接这个挑战。感谢大家。