演讲文本

We saw this a couple of decades ago
我们在在几世纪之前目睹了这一切的发生。
when Teddy Kollek, the great mayor of Jerusalem
当耶路撒冷的市长，特迪·科勒克 (Teddy Kollek)
in the '80s and the '90s,
在八十和九十年代，
was besieged one day in his office
被来自于不同背景的宗教领袖
by religious leaders from all of the backgrounds,
包围在办公室里，
Christian prelates, rabbis, imams.
基督教主教、犹太教和伊斯兰教领袖
They were arguing with one another
对圣地麦加的朝圣问题
about access to the holy sites.
争论不休。
And the squabble went on and on,
市长科勒克聆听着这些领袖们的争论，
and Kollek listened and listened,
最后说，
and he finally said, "Gentlemen,
“先生们，
spare me your sermons,
把你们的步道放一放，
and I will fix your sewers."
我去给你们修下水道。”
That's what mayors do.
这就是市长们的工作。
They fix sewers, they get the trains running.
他们修理下水道，他们使火车运行。
There isn't a left or a right way of doing.
这不是一个左翼，也不是一个右翼的处理方式。
Boris Johnson in London calls himself an anarcho-Tory.
伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊 （Boris Johnson）称他自己为无政府主义者 - 托利（党）
Strange term, but in some ways, he is.
一个非常奇怪的名字，但他却是这样。
He's a libertarian. He's an anarchist.
他是一个自由主义者。他是一个无政府主义者。
He rides to work on a bike,
他每天骑自行车上班，
but at the same time, he's in some ways a conservative.
但与此同时，他又在某方面又有一些保守。
Bloomberg in New York was a Democrat,
纽约市市长迈克尔·布隆伯格 (Michael Bloomberg) 起先是一个民主党成员，
then he was a Republican,
后来他又是一个共和党成员，
and finally he was an Independent, and said
但最后他退出两个党派然后说，
the party label just gets in the way.
“党派的标签妨碍我做事。”
Luzhkov, 20 years mayor in Moscow,
卢日科夫（Yori Luzhkov）在莫斯科担任了二十年的市长，
though he helped found a party, United Party with Putin,
尽管他帮助普金共同建立了联合党
in fact refused to be defined by the party
但他实际上拒绝被定义为政党人士
and finally, in fact, lost his job not under Brezhnev,
最后，他不是在勃列日涅夫手下
not under Gorbachev, but under Putin,
也不是在戈尔巴乔夫手下，
who wanted a more faithful party follower.
而是渴望更忠诚的政党追随者的普金手下丢掉了工作。
So mayors are pragmatists and problem-solvers.
所以，我再次强调，市长是实用主义者，他们能够解决问题。
They get things done.
他们能够使事物运转。
But the second thing about mayors
另外一件我想说的关于市长的事是，
is they are also what I like to call homeboys,
我喜欢把他们叫做“哥们儿”
or to include the women mayors, homies.
不过如果要把女市长们也列入其中的话，就叫他们“死党”吧。
They're from the neighborhood.
他们从我们的街坊邻里中被选举出来，
They're part of the neighborhood. They're known.
是社区的一部分，而且他们也知道这一点。
Ed Koch used to wander around New York City
纽约市长埃德·科克（Ed Koch）层漫步于纽约街头，
saying, "How am I doing?"
采访路人问，“我任职期间做的怎么样？”
Imagine David Cameron
想想戴维·卡梅伦（David Cameron），
wandering around the United Kingdom
如果他漫步于大不列颠王国的街头，随口就问，“我做的如何？”
asking, "How am I doing?" He wouldn't like the answer.
他应该不会喜欢那个答案。
Or Putin. Or any national leader.
或者普金，或者任何国家领导人。
He could ask that because he knew New Yorkers
埃德·科克之所以能够这么问是因为他了解纽约人，
and they knew him.
纽约人也了解他。
Mayors are usually from the places they govern.
市长通常从他所管辖的区域中选举出来，
It's pretty hard to be a carpetbagger and be a mayor.
非本地的参政者通常没有办法被选举为市长。
You can run for the Senate out of a different state,
你可以在不同的州为议员拉选票，
but it's hard to do that as a mayor.
但却无法作为市长这么做。
And as a result, mayors and city councillors
所以，市长、市议员
and local authorities
和地方当局
have a much higher trust level,
在民众中有更高的信任度。
and this is the third feature about mayors,
而这也是关于市长的第三个特点，
than national governing officials.
那就是比国家领导人更具有民心。
In the United States, we know the pathetic figures:
在美国，我们知道一个可悲的数据：
18 percent of Americans approve of Congress
只有18%的美国民众
and what they do.
赞成国会和国会的所作所为。
And even with a relatively popular president like Obama,
而甚至是稍微更受青睐的总统奥巴马，
the figures for the Presidency run about 40, 45,
也不过在总统大选中获得的支持率得到40%或45%，
sometimes 50 percent at best.
最多50%。
The Supreme Court has fallen way down from what it used to be.
最高法院的支持率也比以往大大下滑。
But when you ask, "Do you trust your city councillor,
但如果你问民众，“你是否信任你们市议员，
do you trust your mayor?"
你是否相信你们市长？”
the rates shoot up to 70, 75, even 80 percent,
支持率飙升至70%，75%，甚至是80%。
because they're from the neighborhood,
因为他们从街坊邻里中被选举出来，
because the people they work with are their neighbors,
因为他们的同僚们也是他们的邻居，
because, like Mayor Booker in Newark,
因为，就像纽瓦克的市长布克（Cory Booker）
a mayor is likely to get out of his car on the way to work
是一个不坐豪华车去上班的市长，
and go in and pull people out of a burning building --
是一个冲进火场并把人火场里救出来的市长
that happened to Mayor Booker --
这是真实发生在市长布克身上的事情
or intervene in a mugging in the street as he goes to work
或者在他上班的途中看见行凶抢劫毫不犹豫的上前见义勇为
because he sees it.
就只因为他看见了，他就不会坐视不管。
No head of state would be permitted
没有任何一个国家领导人
by their security details to do it,
会被安全条例所允许去做这件事，
nor be in a position to do it.
也不会去做这件事。
That's the difference, and the difference
这就是他们之间存在的区别。
has to do with the character of cities themselves,
而这种区别与城市的特性本身相关，
because cities are profoundly multicultural,
因为城市是融合多种文化的，
open, participatory, democratic,
开放的、供人分享的、民主的、
able to work with one another.
合作无间的。
When states face each other,
而国家间的交流，
China and the U.S., they face each other like this.
如中美两国，他们的交流模式是一种模式 ，
When cities interact, they interact like this.
而城市间的交流是另外一种模式。
China and the U.S., despite the recent
中美两国，且不论最近在加州召开的高层会议，
meta-meeting in California,
两国之间被各种
are locked in all kinds of anger, resentment, and rivalry
愤怒、不满以及竞争所禁锢。
for number one.
两个国家都想要争第一。
We heard more about who will be number one.
我们对于谁可能坐上第一的宝座的争论听得很多了。
Cities don't worry about number one.
但城市之间从来不用担心谁会第一的问题。
They have to work together, and they do work together.
城市之间必须彼此合作，而它们真的在这么做，
They work together in climate change, for example.
她们合作对抗气候变化问题，
Organizations like the C40, like ICLEI, which I mentioned,
如C40，ICLEI这些我刚才提到的组织，
have been working together
都在互相合作，
many, many years before Copenhagen.
而这些是很早就在哥本哈根气候大会之前发生的事。
In Copenhagen, four or five years ago,
四五年前，
184 nations came together to explain to one another
184个国家聚集在哥本哈根
why their sovereignty didn't permit them
为自己辩解为什么他们的国家不允许他们
to deal with the grave, grave crisis of climate change,
处理这一场日渐严峻的气候变化危机。
but the mayor of Copenhagen had invited
但是哥本哈根市长却邀请到了
200 mayors to attend.
200位来自世界各地的市长参与会议。
They came, they stayed, and they found ways
他们参加会议，共同商讨并最终找到
and are still finding ways to work together,
并仍在寻找方法使城市间、
city-to-city, and through inter-city organizations.
通过城际组织共同合作的道路。

视频及简介

演讲简介：

国家级的政治家们似乎总是制造僵局比解决世界性的难题要多。那么，应该由谁来挑起重任解决问题？答案是市长们。政治理论家本杰明·巴伯建议，“让市长们多一点处理全球性事务的权利。” 巴伯同时说明这些“哥们儿”们是如何解决他们自己管辖范围的要事，并可能将其方法推广到世界性的范围。