第一部分
奥巴马在美中战略与经济对话上的致辞全文

The prepared remarks of President Barack Obama on economic and strategic relations between the U.S. and China

Good morning. It's an honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step forward in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.

President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said 'No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.' Well, through the constructive meetings that we have already had, and through this dialogue, I am confident that we will meet Yao's standard.

I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will Co-Chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they both have extraordinary experience working with China. I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang.

早上好。很荣幸在此欢迎你参加首轮美中战略与经济对话。这是推动“积极的、有建设性的和全面的”美中关系的重要步骤。我很高兴地看到，胡锦涛主席同我一样都致力于通过持续的对话加强我们的共同利益。

胡锦涛向首轮中美战略与经济对话开幕式致辞胡锦涛主席和我都认为，让美中关系有个好的开始至关重要。当然，作为一名新总统，同时又是一个篮球迷，我想借用中国篮球明星姚明的一句话说：无论是新队员也好，还是老队员也好，都需要时间互相磨合。通过我们已经进行的建设性会谈，以及这次对话，我相信我们能够达到姚明的标准。

在这里，我要感谢将共同主持此次会议的美国和中国领导人。希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)和蒂姆•盖特纳(Tim Geithner)是我最亲近的两位顾问，他们在对华关系方面都拥有极其丰富的经验。我知道他们将要面对的是中方能力非凡、责任心极强的国务委员戴秉国先生和国务院副总理王岐山先生。

I also look forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman. Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and unlike me he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China.

Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.

One hundred years ago in the early days of the 20th century it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere from Boston to Beijing the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.

我还期待着才华出众的美国驻华大使、州长洪博培(Jon Huntsman)的提名获得确认。洪博培具有在亚洲生活和工作的丰富经历，而且不像我，他能说一口流利的汉语普通话。他也碰巧是曾负责参议员麦凯恩(McCain)竞选的共和党人。我认为这显示了洪博培为祖国效力的责任感，以及两党对美中建立富有成果的积极关系的广泛支持。

今天，我们是在一座体现上世纪历史的建筑中举行会议。这座建筑里有一个纪念美国伍德罗•威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)总统的中心，当他担任总统时，20世纪才开始不久，美国在世界的领导地位还刚刚显现。这座建筑以罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)命名，里根是在两次世界大战期间长大成人，他的总统任期推动了新的历史时代的到来。大厦里有一块柏林墙上的砖，它见证了几十年来象征分裂的柏林墙最终的倒塌，放开了仍在继续改变我们世界的全球化浪潮。

在100年前，也就是20世纪初的那些日子里，显然有重大的选择需要做出，这些抉择有关国家边界和人类的权力。但在威尔逊时期，没有人能预见到历史的变迁能够导致柏林的一道墙的倒塌，他们也无从想象其间那些年里的冲突剧变。无论是波士顿还是北京，对各地的人来说，20世纪都是一个取得伟大进步的时代，但这种进步也伴随着巨大的代价。

第二部分

Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it is important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes?

Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find the common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?

We cannot predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: the relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That reality must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility we bear.

As we look to the future, we can learn from our past for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just thirty years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.

今天，我们展望一个新世纪的地平线。在我们启动这次对话时，我们需要思考一下那些将塑造21世纪的问题。与目前的危机类似的情况会让经济增长陷入停滞吗？我们会通过合作创造出平衡和可持续的增长，让更多人摆脱贫困并创造更普遍的繁荣吗？对能源的需求是会带来竞争和气候变化，还是我们会发展合作关系，来生产清洁能源保护我们的地球？我们是让核武器毫无节制地扩散，还是达成新的共识，只将核能用于和平目的？极端分子会挑起冲突和分裂吗？还是我们为了共同的安全而团结一致？国家和人民会完全按照彼此间的分歧而定义自己？还是我们能够找到必要的共同点，迎接我们共同的挑战，并尊重每个人的尊严？

我们不能确切地预测到未来将会如何，但我们能够确定的是哪些问题将决定我们的时代。我们也都知道：美国与中国的关系将塑造21世纪，它的重要性不逊于世界上的任何双边关系。这一现实必须支撑我们的合作伙伴关系。这是我们担负的责任。

面向未来，我们可以从过去学到很多，历史让我们看到，我们两国都从基于共同利益和相互尊重的交往中受益颇丰。在我的任期内，我们将纪念尼克松总统访华40周年。当时的世界与今天有很大的不同。美国在短短30年的时间里就在东亚打了三场战争，冷战陷入了僵局。中国经济被隔离于世界之外，很大一部分中国人生活在极其贫穷的状态中。

Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.

My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit, and the world will be better off because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.

First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy and this is true not just of New York and Seattle, but Shanghai and Shenzhen as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, prevent a deeper recession and save jobs for our people.

当时，指引中美间对话的力量仅仅是两国与苏联都存在对抗关系。今天，美中建立了全面关系，反映出两国人民之间不断加深的联系。美中两国现在相互联系的时间比过去疏远的时间还要长。两国人民以各种各样的方式进行交流。我相信，我们有望在这个时代最重要的一些问题上取得稳步进展。

我的信心植根于美中两国有着共同利益这一事实。如果双方通过合作推进这些共同利益，两国人民将会受益，世界将变得更美好──这是因为我们相互合作的能力是在很多最为紧迫的全球挑战上取得进展的前提条件。

首先，我们可以合作在一场持久的经济复苏中发展双方的共同利益。目前这场危机明确显示出，各国在国内做出的决定会在全球经济中造成影响。不仅在纽约和西雅图如此，在上海和深圳也是如此。正因为这样，我们必须继续致力于强有力的双边和多边协作。通过采取积极措施恢复增长、防止衰退加深、挽救民众的就业岗位，我们树立了这样一个榜样。

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Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation - because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act.

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.

展望未来，我们可以深化合作。我们可以通过增加透明度和进行监管改革，提高金融稳定性。我们可以寻求自由公平的贸易，寻求达成一份雄心勃勃而又均衡的多哈回合协议。我们可以改革国际机构，以便中国等发展中国家能发挥与自己更大的责任相称的更大作用。此外，随着美国人更多地储蓄，中国人更多地消费，我们就能将增长建立在一个更加可持续的基础上──因为正如中国从大规模投资和利润可观的出口获益了一样，中国也能成为美国商品的一个巨大市场。

其次，我们可以合作发展有关一个清洁、安全和繁荣的能源未来上的共同利益。美国和中国是世界上最大的两个能源消费国，也是最大的温室气体排放国。让我们坦白地承认：两国都不会从对进口石油依赖加重中获益，除非我们进行合作，否则两国也无法使本国人民免遭气候变化的灾难。常识要求我们行动起来。

两国都在采取措施，转变本国的能源经济。我们可以携手计划一场低碳排放的复苏；我们可以扩大研发上的共同努力，推广清洁有效的能源利用，我们可以一起努力在丹麦哥本哈根举行的气候变化大会等国际论坛上制定一种全球性的应对方法。培养创新，进而增加我们的安全与繁荣的最佳途径是，保持市场对新观点、新交流和新能源的开发。

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: the more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.

This is not about singling out any one nation it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.

再次，我们可以合作推进在反核武器扩散上的共同利益。要清楚：越多的国家拥有核武器，这种武器越有可能被使用。无论是美国还是中国都不希望一个恐怖分子获取炸弹、或是在东亚爆发核军备竞赛。正因为如此，我们必须继续合作以实现朝鲜半岛的无核化，并向朝鲜明确表明，如果朝鲜履行自己的义务，就可以走上通往安全和尊重的道路。也正因为如此，我们还必须联合起来防止伊朗获得核武器，并敦促其兑现自己的国际承诺。

这并不是针对任何一个具体的国家，而是所有国家的责任。我们必须合作确保全球各地所有易受攻击的核材料的安全，这也将是明年全球核峰会的一个重点。我们必须携手加强《不扩散核武器条约》，重申条约的基本观点：拥有核武器的国家要向无核化迈进，没有核武器的国家将不会获取核武器；所有的国家都能利用用于和平目的的核能。恐怖平衡站不住脚。在21世纪，一个强有力的全球性机制是摆脱世界上最致命武器威胁的唯一基础。