Good evening. What an immense pleasure to come to this intellectual powerhouse to honor one of the greatest intellectuals of our time. Let me especially thank Professor Craig Calhoun for his kind introduction—I know that Professor Calhoun is a great leader in his field, and a great leader of the LSE.
晚上好。非常高兴来到这所著名学府，向当今时代最伟大的一位学者致以敬意。我特别要感谢克雷格·卡尔霍恩教授的介绍辞——我知道卡尔霍恩教授是他所研究领域中的一位伟大领袖，也是伦敦经济学院的一位伟大领袖。
The LSE is one of the world’s most prestigious universities. Its alumni include 34 world leaders and 16 Nobel Prize winners.
伦敦经济学院是世界上最负盛名的大学之一。有 34 位世界领导人和 16 位诺贝尔奖得主毕业于该校。
One of these Nobel Prize winners is, of course, the luminous Amartya Sen. There are few economists today who can match his reach—from the complex mathematics of social choice to the lofty speculation of moral philosophy; combining deep theoretical rigor with a heartfelt concern for the poor and the marginalized.
其中一位诺贝尔奖得主便是著名的阿马蒂亚·森。他的研究领域之广，当今很少有经济学家能够达到——从利用高深的数学方法研究社会选择，到对道德哲学的高屋建瓴的思考；他的研究不仅理论极其严谨，同时还充满了对穷人和边缘化人口的由衷关心。
Amartya Sen has always understood that the concerns of economics are closely related to the concerns of justice and fairness. In that, he follows in the footsteps of the great economic thinkers of the past.
阿马蒂亚·森一直认识到，经济学所关注的问题应该与正义和公平问题紧密相关。这一想法与过去的伟大经济思想家不谋而合。
Today, especially in the wake of the global crisis, members of the profession are asking the kinds of questions that Amartya has spent his whole life pondering. His was a prophetic voice, and he can rightfully be called the conscience of economics.
今天，特别是在全球危机之后，经济学界的人提出了阿马蒂亚思考一生的问题。他是先知的声音，他可以理所当然地被称为经济学的良心。
Tonight, the topic I want to talk about sits at the intersection of justice and economics—the issue of empowerment. Empowerment is about economic opportunity, the ability to freely choose one’s own path in life in accordance with one’s distinctive talents and abilities. It is about cutting away obstacles to true human flourishing.
我今晚想谈的题目正是处在公正与经济学的交点——赋权的问题。赋权是关于经济机会，即，按个人才华和能力自由选择自身生活道路的能力。它旨在消除实现人类真正繁荣的障碍。
I want to address three distinct layers of empowerment:
我想探讨赋权的三个不同层次：
First, the empowerment of the individual—and what that means for economic policies.
首先，个人赋权——以及这对经济政策意味着什么。
Second, what is needed to help individual empowerment—the empowerment of institutions.
其次，需要用什么来保障个人赋权——制度的赋权。
Third, what is needed in turn to help national economies flourish—the empowerment of multilateralism.
第三，进而需要用什么来促进国家经济繁荣——多边主义的赋权。
Empowerment of individuals
个人赋权
Let me begin with individual empowerment. There are, of course, many obstacles to empowerment. I will address two of them—obstacles based on income disparities, and obstacles based on gender disparities.
我首先谈谈个人赋权。当然，在赋权方面，有很多障碍。我来谈其中两个——收入差距和性别差距的障碍。
Income disparities
收入差距
Starting with income disparities: across the board, the gap between the haves and the have-nots has risen substantially in recent years. In many countries, the wealthy are taking home a greater share of the rewards today than at any time in the postwar era. We might have avoided a second Great Depression, but we have not avoided a second Gilded Age.
首先谈谈收入差距：近年来富人与穷人之间的差距普遍扩大。在很多国家，富人目前的收入份额超过战后的任何时候。我们可能避免了第二次大萧条，但我们未能避免第二个镀金时代。
And while regions like Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa are making great economic progress, their momentum is still being held back by the stumbling block of inequality.
尽管拉丁美洲和撒哈拉以南非洲等地区取得了重大的经济进步，它们的发展势头仍然被不平等这一障碍所拖累。
Now, I think I know what Amartya Sen would say about this. He would argue that we should look beyond income inequality and worry about a wider set of disparities—such as in health, education, unemployment, and social exclusion.
现在，我想我知道阿马蒂亚·森对此会说什么。他会说，我们不仅应关注收入不平等，还应关注更广泛的不平等——例如，医疗卫生、教育、失业、社会排斥等方面。
This is an extremely important point. Indeed, Professor Sen’s contribution here is truly groundbreaking. For some decades now, he has developed an approach to inequality based less on income and more on capability. This approach judges people’s advantage by their capability to do the things they value. It is about opportunity, about giving a person the means to live well.
这是极其重要的一点。的确，阿马蒂亚·森教授在这方面的贡献确实是开创性的。几十年以来，他开发出一种分析不平等问题的方法，这种方法不过于依据“收入”，而是更多依据“能力”。这种方法根据人们完成其所看重的事情的能力来判断其优势。
Yet I would argue that there is an intimate connection between the modern incarnation of inequality and these broader notions of opportunity.
它是关于机会，是让一个人生活得更好的手段。
In more unequal societies, too many people lack the basic tools to get ahead—decent nutrition, healthcare, education, skills, and finance. This can create a vicious cycle, whereby economic insecurity causes people to invest too little in skills and education. As the Bank of England’s Andrew Haldane put it, “being poor taxes the mind every bit as much as the wallet”.
不过，我想说，现代的不平等的概念与这些更广义的机会的概念之间有着密切的联系。 在更不平等的社会里，太多的人缺乏获得成功的基本手段——必要的营养、医疗、教育、技能和资金。这会产生恶性循环，即，缺乏经济保障导致人们对技能和教育的投资过少。正如英格兰银行的安德鲁·霍尔丹说的，“贫穷对心灵造成的负担不亚于对钱袋造成的负担”。
In more unequal societies, we also find lower levels of contentment. We find less mobility across generations.
在更不平等的社会里，我们还发现自我满足程度较低，代际流动性较低。
The end result is that excessive inequality can hinder individual empowerment. Not surprisingly, it also hinders sustainable economic growth—this is a result of recent IMF research.
最终结果是，过度不平等会阻碍个人赋权。不奇怪的，不平等也会阻碍可持续经济增长——基金组织最近的研究得出这样的结论。

This is why I believe that policies to tame excessive income inequality are win-win—if carefully chosen and calibrated, they can spur empowerment and economic advancement. Think of policies like boosting spending on health, education, active labor market policies, and in-work benefits.
所以我相信，消除过度不平等的政策是双赢的——如果仔细选择和调整这些政策，它们将能促进赋权和经济进步。这些政策包括：增加医疗、教育支出，实施积极的劳动力市场政策，以及提供在职福利。
Let me say a word here on education, which remains a uniquely powerful agent of empowerment. In a world of stark inequality, we need to make education accessible to all.
我来谈一谈教育。教育仍是独特而强大的赋权手段。在严重不平等的世界里，我们需要让所有人都能获得教育。
I want to point out that the IMF has joined this movement. In conjunction with a not-for-profit partner, we have developed an online learning program for government officials—and opened it up to the general public too. These massive open online courses (MOOCs) enhance knowledge and skills in the areas where the IMF is active—and thus empower people to better understand, and engage with, the economic policies and decisions that affect their lives.
我想告诉大家，基金组织已经参与进来。我们与一个非营利伙伴合作，开发了一个政府官员在线学习计划，并且向公众开放。这些大规模开放式在线课程（MOOCs）能够提升人们在基金组织职能领域的知识和技能，从而使人们能够更好地了解并参与影响其生活的经济政策和决策。

Gender disparities
性别差距
Let me now turn to the second obstacle to empowerment—gender disparities. This is an issue close to my heart—and Professor Sen’s, too, I know.
我下面谈一谈赋权的第二个障碍，性别差距。这是我非常关注的一个问题，也应该是阿马蒂亚·森教授非常关注的问题。
Globally, women earn only three-quarters as much as men, even with the same job and same education. They are underrepresented in the formal sector and overrepresented in the informal sector. They spend twice as much time on household chores as men—and four times as much on childcare. They make up 70 percent of the billion people living on less than a dollar a day, and are the first to be submerged by economic crisis.
从全球看，女性所挣收入仅为男性的四分之三，即使是同样的工作、同样的教育背景。她们在正规部门的就业过少，而在非正规部门的劳动参与过多。女性花在家务上的时间是男性的两倍，花在照顾孩子上的时间是男性的四倍。全球有十亿人每天靠不足一美元维生，其中女性占 70%。经济危机袭来时，她们将首当其冲。
Women are also locked out of leadership positions, where gender seems to matter more than qualifications. When they do reach the top, they are more likely to be fired.
女性也被排斥在领导职位之外。在这方面，性别似乎比资格更重要。就算她们升到最高职位，她们也更有可能被解雇。
The bottom line is that women are underutilized, underpaid, under-appreciated—and over-exploited.
总之，女性未被充分利用、所获报酬过低、不被重视——并被过度剥削。
This needs to change. Yes, it is a matter of justice, but it is also a matter of basic economics.
这种情况需要改变。是的，这是公正问题，但也是基本经济学问题。
Amartya Sen played a pioneering role in raising awareness in this area, drawing attention to the scandal of “missing” women—women who would likely be alive today had they been born male. They are missing because of too much neglect and too little respect—including from poor nutrition and healthcare.
在增强人们对这一领域的意识方面，阿马蒂亚·森发挥了开创性作用。他提醒人们注意“女性失踪之谜”——即，一些女性，如果她们出生时是男孩，很可能今天还活着。
Some estimates suggest that there are more missing women in the world today than all the men killed in all the wars of the 20th century combined.
她们不见了，因为她们被严重忽略、得不到尊重——包括营养不良和医疗缺乏所致。一些估计显示，当今的“失踪”女性比在 20 世纪所有战争中战死的男性更多。
This is startling and shocking. It is surely one of the greatest moral causes of our time.
这令人触目惊心。这无疑是当今时代最重要的道德问题之一。
The solution, as Amartya has long argued, is to increase women’s voice and agency—through their independence and their empowerment.
阿马蒂亚一直认为，解决办法就是增强女性的声音和作用——通过鼓励她们的独立性，通过赋权于她们。
What does this mean in practice? It means focusing on education, ownership rights, and employment opportunities outside the home.
在实践中，这意味着什么？这意味着关注教育，关注所有权权益，关注家庭以外的就业机会。
Once again, empowerment boils down to education. Women’s education also showers benefits on society as a whole. The evidence suggests that women are more altruistic—one study found that women spend up to 90 percent of their earnings on health and education, as opposed to just 30-40 percent for men.
同样，女性赋权归结于教育。女性的教育对整个社会有益。有关证据显示，女性更无私。一项研究发现，女性将高达 90%的收入用于医疗和教育，而男性的这一比例仅为30-40%。 女性的经济参与也是如此。
The same is true for women’s economic participation. Women are the ultimate agents of aggregate demand, accounting for 70 percent of global consumer spending. Eliminating gender gaps in labor force participation can lead to big jumps in income per capita, especially in regions like the Middle East and North Africa—27 percent—and South Asia—23 percent.
女性是总需求的最终行为者，占全球消费支出的 70%。消除劳动力参与的性别差距能大幅提高人均收入，特别是在中东和北非地区（增幅将达27%）以及南亚地区（23%）。
This is why the IMF has been recommending policies to boost women’s participation in places like Korea and Japan, where women are still not visible enough.
所以，基金组织已经建议采取有关政策，提高日本和韩国等国的女性劳动力参与程度。在这些国家的劳动队伍中，妇女的身影并不太多见。
Fundamentally, there are no shortcuts to a vibrant economy—it must be built from the bottom up, from the empowerment of every single individual.
从根本上讲，建设富有活力的经济没有捷径可走——必须从下至上，从赋权于每个人开始。
Empowerment of institutions
制度的赋权
This brings to my second issue—empowering institutions. As people strive to achieve their potential, they are not striving in a vacuum. They are navigating the dense of thicket of institutions and governance structures that run through the economy.
我下面就谈谈第二个问题——制度的赋权。人们在努力实现其潜力时，并非处在真空中。个人处在贯穿于整个经济的制度和治理结构中。
These institutions matter. Depending on how they are designed, they can help or hinder, catapult or shackle. Good institutions are founded on the principles of accountability, transparency, and impartiality. They facilitate empowerment by letting success depend on competence rather than connections, participation rather than patronage—by offering an open hand rather than a closed fist.
这些制度很重要。取决于其设计方式，它们能起到促进或阻碍、推动或束缚作用。良好的制度建立在问责、透明和公正原则之上。这样的制度可以使人们凭能力而非关系、凭参与而非赞助获得成功，从而促进赋权——它提供了一个张开的手，而不是合起的拳头。
This evening, I would like to mention a narrow subset of institutions—ones that contribute directly to economic wellbeing by providing strong frameworks for fiscal policy, monetary policy, and financial sector oversight. Without good institutions in these areas, and without capable people behind them, policies will be ineffective, and avenues for empowerment will be blocked.
今晚，我想谈谈制度中的一小部分——通过提供财政政策、货币政策、金融部门监管的稳健框架，直接增进社会福利。如果在这些领域没有健全的制度，在这些制度的背后没有具备能力的人，那么，政策将是无效的，赋权的途径将是不畅的。
To use Amartya’s Sen’s language: if we want better capability, then we need better capacity.
用阿马蒂亚·森的话来说：“如果我们想有更好的能力，那么我们需要更好的接纳力。”
Let me talk about the IMF in this context. You probably know that the mandate of the IMF is for global economic and financial stability.
在这方面，我来谈谈基金组织。各位可能知道，基金组织的一项职责是维护全球经济和金融稳定。
What you might not know is that one of the main ways we fulfill this mandate is by helping countries design, build, and strengthen their institutions. Through technical assistance and training, we act as a global conduit for the sharing of knowledge and know-how.
各位也许不知道的是，我们行使这项职责的一个主要途径是，帮助各国设计、建设、加强其制度。我们通过技术援助和培训，在全球范围内促进知识和技能的共享。
Putting it simply: we help countries help themselves—which is what empowerment is all about.
简单来说，我们帮助各国实现自助——这正是赋权的意义所在。
Overall, we devote a quarter of our budget to capacity building. Since 2008, we have provided training to most of our 188 member countries, and technical assistance to 90 percent of them. Low-income and lower-middle income countries receive two-thirds of our technical assistance and half of our training.
总体看，我们的预算有四分之一用于能力建设。2008 年以来，我们向 188个成员国中的大多数提供了培训，向 90%的成员国提供了技术援助。低收入和中等偏低收入国家获得了我们所提供技术援助的三分之二，培训的一半。
Our special focus is on the building blocks of macroeconomic stability—areas like improving tax systems, better managing public funds, strengthening financial sector oversight, and enhancing the quality of economic statistics.
我们特别重视宏观经济稳定——例如改善税收体系、改善公共资金管理、加强金融部门监管，提高经济统计质量等。
Of course, the IMF is not alone in this. Many others—including the World Bank, our sister institution—are also doing wonderful work in this area, helping people in a way that respects their agency. And it is generous donor financing that makes so much of our own work possible.
当然，在这方面开展工作的并不只是基金组织。许多其他机构——包括世界银行，我们的姊妹机构——也在这一领域开展了出色的工作，以尊重人们所起作用的方式帮助他们。另外，我们的大量工作之所以能顺利开展，离不开捐助方的慷慨资助。
Country examples
国家例子
But rather than talking in general terms, let me give you a concrete and vivid flavor of what we are actually doing on the ground.
我不想泛泛而谈，而想举一些具体、生动的例子，使大家能了解我们实际开展的工作。
Let us begin with Myanmar, our third largest recipient of technical assistance. Myanmar is today awakening from fifty years of isolation, and decades of drift and insularity when learning was limited, universities were neutered, and travel was restricted.
首先谈一谈缅甸，我们技术援助的第三大接受国。在五十年的孤立状态以及数十年的颠沛和封闭（学习活动有限，大学毫无生气，旅游受到限制）之后，现在，缅甸正在觉醒。
Until recently, the economy was poorly integrated into the wider world. The central bank was part of the ministry of finance. The budget process was antiquated and a lot of data were maintained by hand.
缅甸经济基本没有融入更广泛的世界，这情况直到最近才有所改观。中央银行是财政部的一部分。预算程序落后过时，很多数据是手工维护的。
Together with other donors, we joined hands with Myanmar and helped it take those crucial first steps—setting up an independent central bank, removing exchange restrictions and establishing a functioning foreign exchange market.
我们与其他捐助方一道，与缅甸共同努力，帮助它迈出重要的步骤——建立独立的中央银行，取消汇兑限制，建立正常运作的外汇市场。
We are now providing assistance in core areas like tax administration, financial sector oversight, and economic statistics.
我们目前在税收征管、金融部门监管、经济统计等核心领域提供援助。
We are helping Myanmar not only awakening—but humming with energy and dynamism. I saw this first hand when I was there last December. Everyone I talked to—including the amazing Aung San Suu Kyi—said the same thing: the country must have the foundations in place to achieve economic lift-off.
我们不仅帮助缅甸实现了觉醒，而且让它充满了能量和活力。我去年 12 月访问缅甸时亲眼见证了这一点。与我交谈的每一个人——包括杰出的昂山素季——都谈到了相同的一点：缅甸必须打好根基，实现经济崛起。
They all understood the importance of boosting tax revenue—which is a mere 7 percent of GDP—to raise money for essential spending on health, education, and infrastructure. They all understood the need to build a modern financial sector, so that people can empower themselves through access to credit—including women and people in rural areas.
他们都知道，为保证医疗、教育和基础设施的必要支出，必须提高税收收入。缅甸的税收收入仅占 GDP 的 7%。他们都知道，需要建设现代化的金融部门，使人们能够通过获得信贷而实现自我赋权——包括女性和农村人口。
I focused on Myanmar because of its unique awakening. Yet I could tell a similar story in countless other countries.
我之所以重点谈缅甸，因为它正处于独特的觉醒过程中。但其他国家的类似例子不胜枚举。
In Cambodia, for example, we are helping to put in place a legal framework to restore trust in the financial system. One legacy of the Khmer Rouge terror was the complete breakdown of the banking system—people put their money under beds instead of in banks. Yet Cambodia needs a thriving financial system for rural development and empowerment. And we can see results: a decade ago, banks were almost non-existent in the countryside; now they are commonplace.
例如，我们正在帮助柬埔寨建立法律框架，以恢复对金融体系的信任。红色高棉政权的遗留问题之一是银行体系的彻底解体——人们将钱放到床下，而不是存到银行里。但柬埔寨需要一个繁荣的金融体系来促进农村发展和赋权。这方面也取得了成果：十年前，农村基本上没有银行；而现在，银行在农村很普遍。
Look at Kosovo, which not so long ago gained its independence and emerged from conflict. In a short period of time, it has made remarkable progress in building the foundations of a modern market economy. With hands-on technical assistance and training, Kosovo created a brand new central bank from scratch. And just as it once received, it now gives—training other central banks in the nuts and bolts of monetary policy.
再比如科索沃。科索沃不久之前才获得了独立并走出战乱。在很短的时间里，科索沃在奠定现代市场经济根基方面取得了显著进展。在基金组织实地技术援助和培训的支持下，科索沃建立了全新的中央银行。科索沃过去接受帮助，现在则开始帮助别的国家——向其他中央银行提供货币政策基本知识方面的培训。
I could also talk about Peru, one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. Peru is leaping ahead, and yet its capacity to collect taxes is lagging behind—with a fifth of its revenue lost through avoidance and evasion of taxes. With our assistance, it is now strengthening tax collection and the management of its public finances. That means it can spend more on vital social programs like Juntos—a conditional cash transfer program that makes sure that poor children get access to healthcare and education.
我还可以谈一谈秘鲁。秘鲁是世界上增长最快的经济体之一，正在大步前进，但它的征税能力却很落后——财政收入的五分之一因避税和逃税而丧失。在基金组织技术援助的支持下，秘鲁目前正在加强税收征管和公共财政管理。这意味着，秘鲁能够将更多资金用于社会项目，比如 Juntos——这是一个有条件的现金转移项目，保证贫困孩子能够获得医疗服务和教育。
I could also mention the Arab transition countries, where citizens are seeking to empower themselves through time-tested principles like opportunity, impartiality, and dignity. We are helping these countries build the economic foundations of new societies—in such core areas as tax policy and administration, financial sector reform, monetary policy, capital markets, and statistics. And we are doing it on the ground, including through a regional technical assistance center and a regional training institute.
我也可以谈一谈阿拉伯转型国家。通过在机会、公正、尊严这些经过时间检验的原则方面的诉求，这些国家的公民正在努力自我赋权。我们在帮助这些国家建立崭新社会的经济基础——在税收政策和征管、金融部门改革、货币政策、资本市场、统计等核心领域。我们是在实地开展这些工作的，包括通过一个地区技术援助中心和一个地区培训学院。
As one final example, let me turn to sub-Saharan Africa. Just last week, we held a major conference in Mozambique on the theme of “Africa rising”—which is really one of the great, if underappreciated, stories of our time. Many African countries are blessed with a bounty of natural resources, but—as we know only too well—this blessing can too easily become a curse. So it is vitally important to put in place strong fiscal regimes to manage resource revenues—for the benefit of this generation and generations to come. This was a key theme at the conference, and we are providing assistance in this area to countries like Kenya, Mozambique, and Tanzania. Much of our hands-on help in Africa is delivered through our five regional technical assistance centers—in Gabon, Ghana, C?te d’Ivoire, Mauritius, and Tanzania.
最后一个例子是撒哈拉以南非洲。上个星期我们刚刚在莫桑比克召开了以“非洲崛起”为主题的会议，这一主题确实是当今最重要的、甚至可能未被充分评价的故事。许多非洲国家拥有丰富的自然资源，但众所周知，自然资源的“恩赐”很容易变成“诅咒”。所以，必须建立强健的财政体制来管理资源收入——为了当今这一代人，也是为了子孙后代。这是会议讨论的主题，而基金组织正在向肯尼亚、莫桑比克和坦桑尼亚等国提供这一领域的援助。我们在非洲的实地援助是通过五个地区技术援助中心提供的，它们分别设在加蓬、加纳、科特迪瓦、毛里求斯和坦桑尼亚。
This is just a flavor of IMF capacity building. The basic point is, I believe, clear: the empowerment of people depends fundamentally on the empowerment of institutions—which need to be subject to accountability, transparency, and impartiality.
这仅仅是基金组织能力建设工作的一小部分。我认为，基本的一点很明确——人的赋权从根本上取决于制度的赋权——需要遵循问责、透明和公正的原则。
And as the global economy becomes more intricate and interconnected, institutions—and the people behind them—will need to keep up with these changes. So we will need continuous empowerment of institutions across the entire spectrum of our membership—not just the poorer countries.
此外，随着全球经济变得更加错综复杂、相互关联，制度——以及制度背后的人——需要跟上这些变化。所以，我们的全体成员国（不仅是贫困国家）都需要不断推进制度的赋权。

Empowerment of multilateralism
多边主义的赋权
This brings me to my third area this evening—the empowerment of multilateralism. In a very basic way, today’s challenges are increasingly global challenges. Empowerment today depends not just on what is happening in your own country, but what is happening in the wider world.
下面就是我今晚要谈的第三个问题——多边主义的赋权。根本上讲，当今的挑战愈发呈现出全球性。当今的赋权不仅取决于一国自己的情况，而且取决于世界的状况。
I know that this vision resonates at the LSE, which truly has a global reach and a global mentality. I can see it in this room.
我知道，这种看法在伦敦经济学院能够引起共鸣，因为伦敦经济学院具有全球影响和全球理念。我从在座的各位就能看出来。
We live in a world that is simultaneously coming together and drifting further apart. Coming together due to the dense and intricate web of interconnections that run through our global economy—in trade, finance, technology, communications. Coming apart due to the increasing diffusion of power across the world—toward more diverse geographical regions and more diverse global stakeholders, a more tribal mentality.
我们生活在一个既向中间靠拢、又向四周分散的世界中。靠拢，是因为贯穿全球经济的是紧密而复杂的互联网络——在贸易、金融、技术、通讯各个方面。分散，是因为世界上权力越来越分散——更加多样化的地区，更加多样化的全球利益相关者，更大程度上的部族思维状态。
If we are not careful, this tension between integration and fragmentation could lead to indecision, impasse, and insecurity.
如果我们不够小心，这种既融合又分割的矛盾就可能导致我们优柔寡断、陷入僵局、失去安全。
At the same time, the global economy is facing huge threats to sustainability, threats that affect us all, no matter where we live. Think about huge demographic shifts, the perils of climate change, the strains of rising inequality, the development of fragile states.
同时，全球经济面临着巨大的可持续性威胁，这种威胁影响到我们所有人，无论我们生活在哪里。这样的例子包括人口变化、气候变化、不平等的加剧、脆弱国家的发展。
Problems of this magnitude cannot be solved by homegrown solutions or provincial mindsets. They require a sense of common purpose and common citizenship. They require a reinvigorated sense of multilateralism.
如此重大的问题，无法靠一国自身或限于局部的思维方式来解决。必须本着共同目标和全球公民精神，重振多边主义。
Once again, Professor Sen has a lot to say about this. He has argued that we must recognize the responsibilities that come with our shared humanity. As he puts it, “to argue that we do not really owe anything to others who are not in our neighborhood…would make the limits of our obligations very narrow indeed”.
阿马蒂亚·森对此也提出了丰富的见解。他指出，我们必须认识到我们共同的人性所肩负的责任。正如他说的，“如果因为他们不是我们的邻居，就认为我们跟他们没什么关系，那么，我们的责任实际上就太狭义了”。
This is the peril of our modern global economy: if we hunker down behind closed doors, or erect walls or barriers, we erect obstacles to opportunity, obstacles to empowerment.
这就是现代全球经济的危险：如果我们蹲在紧闭的门后，或竖起一堵墙或一排栅栏，那么我们就竖起了机会的障碍、赋权的障碍。
In other words: if enhancing capability means enhancing capacity, it also means enhancing cooperation.
换句话说：加强能力意味着提高接纳力，还意味着增强合作。
As Charles Dickens once said, “the men who learn endurance, are they who call the whole world brother”.
正如查尔斯·狄更斯曾说过的，“学会忍耐的人，是将整个世界称为兄弟的人”。
This is another area where I believe the IMF can play a crucial role. Indeed, we have been playing that role for 70 years now—as a fruit of that visionary postwar “multilateral moment”, when nations put the global good above narrow interests, taking a bet that the blessings of cooperation would disperse far and wide. This is a bet that always pays off.
我相信，基金组织也可以在这一领域发挥关键作用。事实上，我们在过去 70 年中一直发挥着这一作用——这也是战后“多边主义时刻”理想的成果。当时，各国将全球福祉置于狭隘利益之上，冀望于全球合作能带来深远的好处。只要持有这种冀望，那么你将必然得到回报。
I have talked already about the role played by the IMF in helping countries build capacity. It also plays a key role as a global convener of cooperation, bringing together 188 countries to share knowledge, to collaborate toward common ends, to lend a helping hand to one another in time of need.
我已经谈了基金组织在帮助各国开展能力建设过程中所发挥的作用。基金组织还在促进全球合作方面发挥着关键作用——将 188个国家召集在一起，分享知识，为了共同的目标开展合作，并在需要时相互帮助。
The instruments of collaboration developed during those formative years have stood the test of time quite well. They should be preserved and protected. That requires bringing institutions like the IMF fully up to date, making them fully representative of the current global economic reality. We are working on that, and the mission is not yet accomplished!
那些年里建立起来的合作工具经受住了时间的考验。我们应维持、保护这些合作工具。为此，基金组织这样的机构必须紧紧跟上时代步伐，充分反映当今的全球经济现实。我们正朝着这个目标努力，但尚未完成这一任务！
Yet we also need to go further—toward what I have called a “new multilateralism” for the 21st century. The new multilateralism must engage not only with the emerging powers across the globe, but also with the expanding networks and coalitions that are now deeply embedded in the fabric of the global economy.
但我们还需走得更远——朝着我所称的 21 世纪“新多边主义”迈进。新多边主义不仅要让全球的新兴强国参与进来，而且要扩大目前深嵌于全球经济中的网络和协作。
We need to invest in this kind of global social capital. We need to develop this idea of a global civil society—one that provides space for all voices, takes a broad global perspective, and adopts a genuine long-term vision. A vision that would make Amartya Sen proud.
我们需要投资于这种全球社会资本。我们需要树立全球公民社会的理念——这样的社会将倾听每个人的声音，具有宽广的全球视角和真正的远见卓识。这会令阿马蒂亚·森感到骄傲。
With such a framework, I believe that the international community can unblock obstacles and unlock opportunities: providing the space for all to flourish—and to be empowered.
在这样的框架下，我相信，国际社会能消除障碍，释放机会：创造空间，让所有人获得成功，实现赋权。
Conclusion
结语
Let me conclude with some wisdom from Charlotte Bront?: “Liberty lends us her wings, and Hope guides us by her star”.
我想用夏洛蒂·勃朗特的一句话做个总结：“自由给我们翅膀，而希望则用星光指引我们。”
This is really what economic empowerment is all about—freedom, dignity, opportunity.
这就是经济赋权的全部意义所在——自由，尊严，机会。
We must do whatever we can to help people help themselves, to let people lift themselves up—through enabling policies, enabling institutions, and enabling modes of international cooperation.
我们必须尽最大努力帮助人们实现自助，让人们实现自我提升——通过赋权于人的政策、赋权于人的制度以及赋权于人的国际合作方式来实现。
As we set sail in this direction, we could do worse than ask Amartya Sen to guide us. After all, he has been sailing these waters for decades now. He knows them well. And he has been the one thinking about solutions long before most of us had even begun to recognize the problems.
在我们朝着这个方向启航时，我们可以让阿马蒂亚·森指引我们。毕竟，他在这一片海里航行了几十年，非常了解这一片海。在我们大多数人还没开始认识到这些问题时，他就已经在想怎样解决这些问题了。
Thank you very much.
十分感谢。