(单词翻译:单击)
The compensation scheme was designed to be so simple that there would be no need for lawyers, but Amoah said he didn’t feel confident enough to do this alone.
赔偿方案设计得非常简单，不需要找律师，但阿莫亚说，他没有足够的信心能独自完成这项工作。
He instructed Malcolm Johnson of Lime Solicitors on a no-win, no-fee basis.
他向Lime律师事务所的马尔科姆·约翰逊提出了不赢不收费的原则。
In November, I joined a Zoom meeting between Amoah and Johnson as they made final tweaks to his application.
去年11月，我参加了阿莫亚和约翰逊之间的Zoom会议，当时他俩正在对赔偿申请做最后的调整。
“Is it about putting a value on what I lost or what I went through?” Amoah asked, pacing about his flat. “I wouldn’t say that compensation is my major object.”
阿莫亚在公寓里踱来踱去，问道：“这是在为我的损失、我所经历的痛苦估价吗？我要说，赔偿不是我的主要目标。”
Johnson, who specialises in compensation claims, explained later that he frequently encounters this peculiar British queasiness about financial compensation.
专门处理赔偿要求的约翰逊后来解释说，他经常会遇到英国人对这种经济赔偿的特殊反感。
Claimants are anxious not to appear money-grubbing, but lawyers have a single-minded focus on trying to achieve the maximum payout for their client.
索赔人渴望不表现出贪财的样子，但律师们一心一意地致力于为他们的客户争取最大的赔偿。
“For us, it’s all about the money,” he said.
“对我们来说，一切都是为了钱，”他说。
The scheme, Johnson told me, was a “ghastly, snarled-up bureaucratic mess” – much worse than his experience with other government compensation schemes,
约翰逊告诉我，这个赔偿计划是一个“可怕的、混乱的官僚主义烂摊子”——比他经历过的其他政府赔偿计划要糟糕得多，
such as those set up to compensate people who were abused in children’s homes, which allocated funding for lawyers, and often for medical reports setting out the victims’ mental trauma.
比如那些为在儿童之家受到虐待的人设立的赔偿计划，这些计划会为律师分配资金，而且也往往会为列出受害者精神创伤的医疗报告分配资金。
Amoah’s agreement with Johnson’s legal firm was that he would pay them 30% of whatever compensation he is awarded.
阿莫亚与约翰逊律师事务所的协议是，他将向事务所支付他获得的赔偿金的30%。
In return they would help Amoah with the application and gather evidence to satisfy assessors that he was telling the truth.
作为交换，他们会帮助阿莫亚提出申请，收集证据，让评估人员相信他说的是实话。
The priority was tracking down old payslips and tax records to prove loss of earnings, and establishing medical proof that the experience had an impact.
首要任务是找出以前的工资单和纳税记录，以证明收入损失，还要建立医学证据，证明那段经历造成了影响。
Both have been hard to do.
这两件事都很难做到。
Amoah’s own records were thrown away by relatives during his absence, and former employers have not been helpful.
阿莫亚的相关记录在他离开期间被亲戚扔掉了，而且前雇主也没有提供任何帮助。
As for proving “impact”, Amoah, like many Windrush victims, was raised to be stoical, and he is disinclined to offload his feelings on to a GP, which makes it hard to prove how badly he has been affected.
至于证明“影响”，阿莫亚和许多“疾风”事件的受害者一样，从小就被培养得能吃苦，他不愿意把自己的感受告诉全科医生，这使得证明他受到的影响有多严重变得很难。
(“I don’t want to because I don’t want anyone thinking that I am mad,” Amoah told his lawyer.)
(“我不想这么做，因为我不想让任何人认为我疯了，”阿莫亚对他的律师说。)
Johnson had spent a lot of time trying to get Amoah to articulate his pain.
约翰逊花了很多时间试图让阿莫亚说出他的痛苦。
He told me: “At each point we ask: were you distressed? How distressed? How debilitating was it?”
他告诉我：“根据分数，我们会问：你痛苦吗? 有多痛苦? 有多让人虚弱？”
But Amoah’s application was largely written in short, factual sentences.
但阿莫亚的申请主要是用真实的短句写的。
“I could barely afford to eat when I was there as I was not working and had no income,” he wrote in the “Impact on life” section.
他在“对生活的影响”一栏中写道：“我在那里的时候几乎吃不起饭，因为我没有工作，也没有收入。”
“My adult children took the view that I had abandoned them and that I had decided to stay in Ghana of my own free will. My partner left me when I told her I was stuck in Ghana.”
“我的成年子女认为我抛弃了他们，认为我是自愿留在加纳的。当我告诉伴侣我被困在加纳时，她离开了我。”
On the page, his anguish had largely been bleached out.
在纸上，他的痛苦大部分被漂白了。
